The history of the settlement and growth of Southern Oregon is full of varied and striking incidents in the life of its pioneers, very different from those experienced by the settlers in the northern part of the state. The first immigrants to Oregon were attracted to the Columbia River, in the expectation of finding that great watercourse another Mississippi, down which their crops could easily be transported to the Pacific and the markets of the East. While there was some disappointment in regard to the facilities afforded by the upper Columbia, the settlers were fully compensated by finding all the desired advantages in the Willamette Valley, the great plains north of the Columbia, and the landlocked harbor of Puget Sound.
    The subsequent immigration was chiefly induced by those advantages. The principal idea seemed to be the ability to secure a market for the products of their industry. The southern portion of the country was almost entirely unknown at that time. Its remoteness from a market, and the hostile character of the Indians occupying the country, rendered it a very undesirable region into which the settler should remove his family; while the ruggedness of the country rendered it a very difficult region to explore under any circumstances. The northern boundary of what is known as Southern Oregon is the Calapooia Range of mountains, which divides the waters of the Willamette on the north from the waters of the Umpqua River on the south. This range meets the Coast Range of mountains near the forty-fourth parallel of north latitude, and extends in the general direction of south by east until it meets the Cascade Range at a point about fifteen miles south of Diamond Peak. From this point, the boundary is an imaginary line running due east to the line of the territory of Idaho. The southern boundary is the forty-second parallel, which is also the northern boundary of the states of California and Nevada. The eastern, which is also the western boundary of Idaho, is within a very short distance from the one hundred and seventeenth degree of longitude west from Greenwich. The western is the Pacific Ocean. Its area is not quite two degrees of latitude, and a little more than seven of longitude.
    This area is intersected by a network of hills and mountains, two ranges running north and south throughout its whole extent, the Coast and the Cascade, while others without any law or order intersect it from east to west. The Coast Range is from fifteen to thirty miles from the coast, while the Cascades are from seventy-five to one hundred miles. The most striking difference in the topography between the northern and southern portions of the state arises from the change in the direction of the watercourses. North of the Calapooia Mountains, the main Willamette runs nearly due north to the Columbia, with a broad and fertile valley on either side; and on the eastern side of the Cascades the Deschutes runs an almost parallel course until it joins the Columbia above the Dalles; while, south of the dividing line, all the great rivers  have their rise in the Cascades, and, running westerly, break through the Coast Range, and reach the Pacific. The first principal river south of the Calapooia is the Umpqua, and the next is the Rogue, while there are other lesser streams which rise in the Coast Range, and run west to the ocean, as Siuslaw, Coos River, Coquille and Chetco. The  Cascade Range from the point where the Calapooia meets it, near Mt. Thielsen, to the Siskiyou Mountains, at which it ends, presents some of the most striking mountain scenery on the coast. Mt. Thielsen is a snow-peak, and is said to have an altitude of 9,250 feet above the sea. Further south are a cluster of snow-peaks, among which is situated the now famous Crater Lake; and overlooking the Rogue River Valley is Mt. Pitt, also a very striking landmark. From the northwest base of Mt. Thielsen, the north fork of the Umpqua takes its rise, and from the southwest base the south branch. After devious courses, they unite a few miles east of the Coast Range. The spurs of Mt. Thielsen to the west and southwest, between the two branches of the Umpqua, sink down until they are lost in the hills of the Umpqua Valley; while between the Umpqua River and the Rogue River, which has its origin near the source of South Umpqua River, the spurs of the Cascades extend in a rough range of mountains nearly to the coast. The Siskiyou, which is the dividing range between Oregon and California, runs westerly to the ocean, and, after passing Rogue River Valley and the headwaters of the Illinois River, spreads out so as to cover all the country south of the Rogue River to the California line, making a section that is almost inaccessible, and has never been thorough!y explored to this day. The Coast Range is only about one-third the height of the Cascades, nor has it so large a base; but even this range is impassable except at certain passes. The valleys of the Umpqua and Rogue Rivers are not what the name generally implies. These rivers have no broad level land along their borders; but there is a succession of small valleys divided by hills, the largest of which is the Rogue River Valley, the first on the north side of the Siskiyou Mountains.
    Such a country, it will be readily perceived, presented great difficulties to the explorer, since he could not follow the course of the streams, but had to spend weeks threading the intricacies of the hills and mountains, the most of which were covered with a dense growth of timber; and we can scarcely give too much credit to those who first penetrated this wilderness and opened it to civilization. There is strong proof that the Catholic priests from the Spanish missions in California visited the valley of Southern Oregon long before Lewis and Clark saw the Columbia River; and many years before the first Americans made the trip, the trappers of the Hudson's Bay Company had made their annual journey from the Sacramento to the Columbia with their furs. The first Americans of whom we have any authentic account, who penetrated the country, were a party of trappers, under the command of Captain Jedediah S. Smith, of the Rocky Mountain Fur Company of St. Louis. In the spring of 1827, this party left the head of the Sacramento, with a large lot of valuable furs, with the intention of proceeding north to the Columbia River; from which point they could return east to their rendezvous on Green River, east of the Rocky Mountains. Upon reaching the headwaters of Rogue River, thinking they had reached a stream which ran into the Columbia, they followed it to the ocean. From this point, they followed the coast to the mouth of the Umpqua, where they were attacked by the Indians while crossing the stream; and all of the party, except Smith, Prior and Laughlin, were killed. These three managed to reach Fort Vancouver, with the loss of their animals and furs. Smith reached Vancouver in August, 1828. The Hudson's Bay Company, being very desirous of recovering this valuable property, sent one of their traders, John Garnier, for this purpose, who erected a stockade, called Fort Umpqua, at the junction of Elk Creek and the Umpqua River. This was the first settlement of any kind south of the Calapooia Mountains.
    The next party to undertake the trip from the Sacramento to the Columbia was a party of sixteen men, headed by Hall J. Kelley and Ewing Young. They had with them about one hundred head of horses and mules, and left the mission of San Jose for the north in the summer of 1834, their destination being the settlements on the Columbia. They reached Rogue River Valley with much difficulty, and had a fight with the Indians on Rogue River. Kelley was taken sick in the mountains of Southern Oregon; and it is probable that the whole party would have been destroyed had they not been overtaken by a party of trappers, under the lead of La Framboise, returning to Vancouver after their season's hunt. This party kindly relieved their necessities, and brought them safely, by the Hudson's Bay Company's trail, to the Willamette Valley.
    In 1835, a party of eight trappers left the Sacramento Valley for the Columbia. They made the trip in safety until they arrived on Rogue River, and made their camp near the mouth of Foots Creek, below Rock Point. Here several hundred Indians came into camp with professions of friendship, and suddenly attacked the party with clubs, bows and knives. The whites fought with great desperation, and succeeded in repelling the attack, with the loss of two men killed, the rest more or less wounded, and all but two of their guns. The survivors proceeded northward, fighting the Indians by day and traveling by night. But four of the party lived to reach the settlements on the Willamette. Their names were J. Turner, George Gay, Dr. Bailey and Woodworth.
    The want of neat cattle being severely felt by the settlers in the Willamette Valley, it was decided to make an attempt to procure the same from California. For this purpose the Willamette Cattle Company was organized at Champoeg, in 1836, with Ewing Young as leader, and P. L. Edwards treasurer. The company selected for the work numbered eleven men, all mountaineers, many of whom had passed over the trail in 1834 and 1835. They left the mouth of the Columbia in a vessel named the Loriot, on the 10th of February, 1837, and arrived at San Francisco on the 1st of March. After much difficulty in procuring the cattle, and a still greater difficulty in driving them, the party arrived at the head of the Sacramento Valley on the 20th of August, with 729 head. The difficulty of driving these cattle, the most of which were wild, over a narrow, brushy trail and steep mountains, was great; but in addition to this they were attacked in the Shasta Valley, just south of the Siskiyou Mountains, by Indians. This necessitated not only a close watch over the cattle, but the utmost care to prevent a surprise by the savages. They reached Rogue River on the 17th of September, having had several of the cattle wounded by arrows, but only one killed. On that night, the party camped at Foots Creek, near where Turner's party was attacked two years before. On the morning of the 18th, they moved about sunrise; and about noon, in a rocky and bushy pass, they were attacked from each side of the road. Young halted the cattle, and leaving them in charge of the herders, proceeded, with four men, to rout the Indians. This he effected, but his horse was shot with two arrows, and Gay was wounded in the back by another. From this point, until they reached the Umpqua, they were continually harassed, but finally succeeded in reaching the settlements on the Willamette about the middle of October, with 630 head of cattle, with a loss of three men killed by the Indians.
    The next attempt to pass through Southern Oregon was made in 1841, when a detachment of Commodore Charles Wilkes' exploring expedition, commanded by George F. Emmons, then a lieutenant, consisting of four commissioned officers and thirty-four men, left Vancouver for Yerba Buena (now San Francisco). Taking advantage of this escort, J. D. Dana, the geologist, and several emigrants, with their families, undertook to make the trip. They took the old Hudson's Bay Company trail and left Fort Umpqua, at Elkton, on the 18th of September. They had been warned before they left, by Mr. Garnier, the agent in charge of Fort Umpqua, of the character of the Indian tribes through which they would pass, and the dangers they were liable to encounter. By using strict military discipline, and allowing no Indians in his camp, the lieutenant succeeded in making the trip without loss, although the Indians threatened an attack at several points.
    In 1842 and 1843 there were cattle driven from California, and parties of emigrants going and returning; but, as they have no reference to the settlement of Southern Oregon, and their experience was the same as already narrated, it is not deemed necessary to record them.
    The first and most effective method to secure the settlement of Southern Oregon, although it was not so intended at the time, was the opening of a wagon road from the Willamette to the confines of Southern Oregon, and, in view of its results, is entitled to an extended notice. The immigration to Oregon by the way of the Columbia River route had suffered severe hardships in the years of 1843, 1844 and 1845; and many attempts had been made to find a more accessible route over the Cascades further south, without success--justifiable search; for such a pass has been since discovered. The immigration of 1846 was expected to be unusually large; and while it was important that they should be afforded better facilities for reaching the Willamette Valley, it was also necessary to provide against any interference by the British authorities, who at that time had laid claim to a large portion of the Columbia River route.
    This matter was the subject of much discussion among the settlers; and it was finally concluded that the most feasible plan was to cut a wagon road from the Willamette through the Umpqua and Rogue River Valleys, thence east over the lowest portion of the Cascade Range and through a country then unexplored to Fort Hall, on the headwaters of Snake River. To accomplish this object, a company was formed in Polk County in May, 1846, to undertake this enterprise, but, being insufficient in numbers, returned without accomplishing anything. Upon the return of what might be designated as the prospecting party, a company was formed to execute the project. The company was organized by the action of no legislative body, nor even by an instrument of writing, but by what was more binding than either--an agreement, between the men composing it, who had faced danger in almost every form, that they would accomplish the object they had undertaken or lose their lives in the attempt. History presents but few instances of self-sacrifice greater than this; and, it must be said in addition, that not a single one of the company failed to perform the agreement he had undertaken. Their names are as follows: Jesse Applegate, Lindsay Applegate, Levi Scott, John Scott, Henry Bogus, Ben Burch, John Owens, John Jones, Robert Smith, Samuel Goodhue, Moses Harris, David Goff, Bennett Osborne, William Sportsman and William Parker. The expenses of the expedition were supplied by those of the party who were able to do so; and as the Applegates were the richest in cattle, then the only money in the country, the burden fell principally upon them. It must be remembered that this expedition was undertaken with no hope of reward, except of increasing the population of their beloved Oregon, and securing the title to the United States. The members of this company were all mountaineers, and were fully aware of the dangers they had to encounter. Mr. Ogden, of the Hudson's Bay Company, gave them all the information he possessed in regard to the trails and the character of the route to be passed over, which he had derived from the employees of the company and his own experience. He ridiculed the idea of building a wagon road through that country, stating that it was an impossibility, and took especial pains to warn them of the hostile disposition of the Indian tribes through whose country they would be compelled to pass, the worst of which, according to his statement, were the Rogue River Indians, who had acquired the name by their conduct toward the hunters and trappers of the company.
    This company of road builders was not composed of the material to be frightened at such a prospect; but, having provided for their families during their absence, each with saddle and pack horses left Polk County on June 20, 1846. The point of departure was on the La Creole River, commonly called the Rickreall, about where the town of Dallas now stands; the course was up the west side of the Willamette to the crossing of Mary's River, the site of the present city of Corvallis, thence up the same river by the way of Spencer's Butte until they arrived at the base of the Calapooia Mountains. Up to this point they had experienced no difficulties, with the exception of building a few bridges. From this point a thorough reconnaissance was made; and the Pass Creek route, which afterwards became the roadway, was not adopted on account of the heavy timber. They chose a mountain ridge a few miles east, where, although the hills were higher, the expense of a wagon road was less, owing to the timber being more sparse. They came out on the southern side of the mountains into a beautiful little valley, now known as Scott's Valley, where some of the party subsequently settled. From this point the party moved on through, as one of the party described the route, "the grassy oak hills and narrow valleys of the Umpqua country." They had some difficulty in crossing the North Umpqua River, but met no serious obstacles to a wagon road until they arrived at a point on the South Umpqua, near where the old Hudson's Bay trail crossed the Umpqua Mountains. A thorough examination of this route proved it to be impracticable for wagons; but, by following up a stream opposite where they were camped, they discovered an available pass through the present Umpqua Cañon. On this stream they struck the trail of a large body of Indians who had preceded them a few days, and who endeavored to stampede their horses while camped in the little valley at the southern end of the cañon. Traveling through a very broken country, the sharp hill separated by small streams, upon which were little openings, they arrived about noon at a branch of Rogue River afterwards named Grave Creek. After resting here two hours, their course was through a more open country, with scattering pine and oak timber, until they reached a prairie on the banks of Rogue River, about sundown.
    The Indians had followed them from the cañon; and, when they approached Rogue River, a large number of the savages occupied the bank of the river where the trail crossed. The party therefore decided to remain in the open prairie, and prepared for a night attack. Owing to precautions taken, no attack was made; but at daylight the Indians were found occupying the position of the night before. On nearing the crossing, the company was divided into two divisions, one driving the pack horses across the stream protected by the rifles of the second, when the latter crossed protected by the guns of the first. From this point they passed up the south bank of Rogue River and through the Rogue River Valley, which is described as one great meadow interspersed with groves of oak which appeared like vast orchards, until they reached a stream now called Emigrant Creek. Here the old trail led south across the Siskiyou Mountains; but the course of the road builders was east over an unexplored country several hundred miles in extent.
    On the morning of the 30th of June, they moved along the north bank of the creek and soon began the ascent of the mountains to the eastward, the slopes of which they found to be gradual, where wagons could pass without difficulty, although these mountainsides were covered by a heavy forest of pine, fir and cedar. On the 4th of July, they reached the summit of the Cascade Mountains, and after descending the steep slopes on the eastern side, at noon reached a small glade, from which they could see the Klamath River. After reaching the river, they followed up the north bank about six miles, when, emerging from the forest, they obtained a full view of the Klamath country, extending eastward as far as the eye could reach.
    Following the river up to near where it leaves Lower Klamath Lake, they crossed the stream, and, proceeding down the river and along the lake shore a few miles, came into the main valley of the Lower Klamath lakes. At this time, columns of smoke were seen rising in every direction, which proved to the party that their presence was known to the Modoc Indians, who were thus telegraphing the fact to the different bands of the tribe. Keeping along the shore of the lake, they came to a stream called Hot Creek, where they found pieces of newspapers and other evidence that civilized people had camped there a short time before. They also found signs which some of the party believed indicated that persons had been buried there, which opinion was strengthened by the great excitement among the Indians upon their arrival. It was afterwards learned that this was the spot at which the Modocs had surprised the camp of Colonel Fremont, killed three of his Delaware Indians, and would probably have destroyed the whole camp but for the vigilance and presence of mind of Kit Carson. The Indians doubtless supposed this party had come to avenge the murder. Taking every precaution against an attack, they pursued their way around the southern end of Lower Klamath Lake, and camped with the lake on the west and a high, rocky ridge on the east of them. In the morning, they ascended the ridge, and discovered at its eastern base Tule or Modoc Lake. Farther to the east, at a distance estimated at thirty miles, they saw a timbered butte, and what appeared to be a pass through the range which surrounded the lakes. In descending the ridge, they became entangled among the crevices and caves of the lava beds, and were compelled to return to smoother ground. Thence a northern course was taken around Modoc Lake; and after crossing Lost River near the lake, they passed eastward over the rocky ridge between Langell Valley and Clear Lake; thence around the southern end of Goose Lake; and on the 8th they encamped at the mouth of a stream coming in from the southwest. From this point a pass was found into Surprise Valley, with grass and water plenty; but beyond the prospect was exceedingly gloomy. Between them and the Humboldt River, their objective point, a sandy desert, broken only by rocky ridges, stretched interminably without a sign of water or grass. Nothing daunted, they left camp on the 9th; and, after enduring severe hardships of hunger and thirst on this alkaline desert under a July sun, on the 18th, at noon, they reached the Humboldt River. Being too far south, they proceeded up the valley for three days, when they arrived at the Meadows, where they found plenty of grass and water; and, after remaining a few days to recruit their horses, they resumed their march. The majority of the company proceeded to locate the road to Bear River, south of Fort Hall, as originally intended, while Jesse Applegate, Harris Goff, Owens and Bogus turned off from Thousand Springs Valley to Fort Hall for supplies.
    While at Fort Hall, Jesse Applegate represented the advantages of the route just explored; and a caravan of ninety or one hundred wagons met, on August 12th, at the Thousand Springs, to follow the new road. Leaving David Goff and Levi Scott to guide them to the Willamette, the Applegate party, accompanied by a party of young men of the immigration, pushed forward to mark or cut out the road, as the exigency required. The real labor of road-making was over the Cascade Mountains, through the Grave Creek Hills and the Umpqua Cañon. After arriving in the Umpqua Valley, their provisions being exhausted, they left the work of clearing the road over the Calapooia Mountains, which was light, to the immigrants themselves, and returned to their homes, in the Willamette, on the 3rd day of October, 1846.
    In May, 1847, Levi Scott led a company of twenty men, destined for the states, over the Applegate route, and guided a portion of the immigrants of the following autumn into the Willamette Valley in good season and in good condition, while the main immigration, by the Snake River route, suffered severely. Among the immigrants of this year (1847) was Colonel W. W. Chapman, who has since made a brilliant record, both in the territory and the state. This expedition established the reputation of the southern route; and the legislature of that year passed an act for its improvement, making Levi Scott commissioner, and allowing him to collect a small toll as compensation for his services.
    In June, 1847, Cornelius Gilliam set out, with a company, to explore the Rogue River and Klamath valleys, and on his return made favorable mention of the climate and soil of that locality. Nevertheless, on account of the hostile savages, Southern Oregon remained still unsettled. The discovery of gold in California opened a new era in the history of that section, which will be developed hereafter.

    The discovery of gold in California, in the year 1848, greatly hastened the settlement of Southern Oregon. At the time of the reception of the news in the Willamette Valley, the settlers were engaged in the war with the Cayuse and other tribes of Indians, in the northern part of the territory; but peace having been secured, and the harvests of that year gathered, many of the Oregonians went to the new El Dorado to make their fortunes. These adventurers packed the supplies for their long and difficult journey on horses or mules, and, on account of the hostile character of the Indians on the route, were compelled to travel in well-armed companies of considerable numbers, and to exercise the utmost caution to prevent a surprise. Colonel J. W. Nesmith, who made the trip in the fall of the year, says: "From the time we left the Umpqua Valley, our party was continually harassed by Indians; but, by keeping strict guard, and allowing none of them to enter our camp, we made the journey without any serious casualties." Colonel John E. Ross also led a company over the route, with a like experience; but there were several parties who left the Willamette Valley, or were returning to it, during this year and the next, who were never afterwards heard from. On account of lack of numbers, or want of experience and caution, they were doubtless robbed and murdered by the savages.
    In the summer of 1848, Captain Levi Scott, the old scout, with his two sons, William and John, ventured to take land claims, under the act of the provisional government, on the south side and near the base of the Calapooia Mountains, which they named Scott Valley. They were followed, in the fall of that year, by Robert Cowan. In the summer of 1849, Jesse Applegate located his claim at Yoncalla, in the same neighborhood. These were the first American settlers in Southern Oregon. Although they settled upon the extreme northern portion of the dangerous territory, the safety of their flocks and herds was largely owing to the annual presence of a band of Klickitat Indians, who, headed by their war chief, made regular raids upon the southern Indians, often as far as Rogue River. The professed object of these trips was hunting; but, in addition to gathering furs and skins, they amused themselves by fighting the local tribes, stealing their women and anything else they deemed valuable.  The Klickitats originally belonged north of the Columbia River, but had been driven from their original location by some stronger tribes. They had acquired some civilization from the Hudson's Bay Company, were well armed with guns, and were good warriors. Their chief was a man of imposing presence, and was known as the Socklate Tyee, or Great Chief; but his real name is found in none of the records. He was a sincere friend of the new settlers, and especially to Jesse Applegate, whom he always regarded as a great chief.
    In the spring of 1849, the United States government ordered the Mounted Rifle Regiment to Oregon, for which service it was originally intended. Captain Hawkins, of this regiment, who was in command of the escort of General Joseph Lane in 1848 over the old Santa Fe trail, as the southern route across the plains was then called, was ordered, with a detachment, to meet the regiment at Fort Hall, and guide them to Fort Vancouver. Colonel William J. Martin and Captain Levi Scott were employed as guides. The detachment followed the Applegate trail, as it was more practicable at that season of the year, and reached Fort Hall without loss of any of the men, owing to the experience of the guides, both of whom were old mountaineers, and familiar with all forms of Indian treachery; but Colonel Martin admits that Captain Scott had five arrows in his body when they reached their destination.
    At Fort Hall the detachment met the Rifle Regiment, and conducted it by the Snake River route to Fort Vancouver without serious loss. Among the noted immigrants of that year was Matthew P. Deady, then a young man, now United States District Judge, whose services as a jurist during the life of the territory, and, since that time, for the state, are too well known to need any eulogy.
    Shortly after the arrival of the regiment at Vancouver, a detachment of about four hundred of them were stationed at Oregon City. During the winter the soldiers became very much excited by the stories of the returned gold hunters from California; and in the month of January about three hundred of them deserted in a body and started for the gold fields. They were entirely unacquainted with the country over which they were to travel, and, of course, had a scanty supply of provisions. They made their way up the Willamette River and over the Applegate road through the Umpqua Valley safely. From the Cow Creek Mountains to Rogue River, they were continually harassed by Indians. At the crossing of Rogue River, they were met by the Indians in full force, and a desperate fight ensued. About eighty of the men fought their way across the river, and after untold suffering succeeded in reaching the Sacramento Valley with the loss of many of their number. Those who failed to cross the Rogue River were overtaken by the most severe snowstorm ever recorded in that section of the country. Their ammunition being almost exhausted, and their provisions entirely so, the men divided into small companies and scattered over the country, in the hope of obtaining sustenance until the storm was over.
    The troops remaining faithful at Oregon City were not sufficient in numbers to arrest the deserters; and Colonel Loring, in command of the regiment at Vancouver, not willing to try the fidelity of the men under his immediate command, made a request for volunteers. Governor Lane promptly responded to the call, and with a party of citizens, all of whom were mountaineers of tried courage, proceeded with a detachment of the Rifles to capture their erring brothers. Upon reaching the Cow Creek Mountains, Governor Lane and his party went in advance, the regulars following with a pack train of provisions. When nearing the Umpqua Cañon, learning that the deserters were in a starving condition, the commanding officer of the detachment called for volunteers to carry rations to the sufferers in advance of the pack train, which was compelled to travel slowly on account of the snow. The leader of these volunteers was Captain J. D. Biles, a gentleman well known in Northern Oregon, who has the honor of being the first judicial officer under the United States government north of the Columbia River, having been appointed a justice of the peace at Vancouver by Governor Lane in 1849. This relief party, with packs on their backs, traveled on foot through the snow, in many places four feet in depth. Although nearly starving themselves, they were the first to discover a company of the deserters who had just drawn lots as to which of them should be killed as food for the remainder. The man who had drawn the fatal long straw was being led to the place of execution when the relief party came in sight. Captain Biles says that it would be difficult to tell which felt most relieved by their appearance, the man who was to be sacrificed or his comrades. The commanding officer of the detachment finding that the rations he brought would be inadequate for the purpose, purchased a number of beef cattle of Jesse Applegate, which were driven by him and his men with the pack train. This party discovered one company of the deserters, who, having met a band of Indians nearly as starved as they were themselves, but, being tempted by the offer of guns and  ammunition, sold the soldiers all the dogs they had in camp. These furnished the provisions of the company until they were relieved. The surgeon of the relieving party prescribed a light diet of soup, which the starving men deemed insufficient. Mr. Applegate, while on an inspection of the camp at a late hour of the night, discovered a party cooking something in a camp kettle over a small fire, and being fearful that the orders of the surgeon were being violated, made an investigation of its contents. Upon removing the lid, he was much surprised at the appearance of a dog's nose, this being the last remnant of the dogs purchased of the Indians. After this terrible experience, the soldiers readily returned to their duty and remained faithful during the term of their enlistment.
    In the year 1837, the first cattle were brought to the Willamette Valley by Ewing Young and company, which by reason of the nutritious grasses and equable climate increased rapidly, and in a few years produced a surplus. When the mining immigration had reached the upper Sacramento Valley, we find the Oregonians driving cattle to the mines to supply the newcomers with beef. In the year 1850, several bands were driven. On June I, 1850, Governor Lane, Thomas Brown, still a resident of Douglas County, Captain Thompson, an old mountaineer, and Martin Angel, killed by the Indians in 1855, left Yamhill with three hundred head. Upon reaching Rogue River, near Gold Hill, the governor sent for the head chiefs of the Indians, Joe and Sam, with whom he negotiated a treaty of peace. While the "peace talk" was being carried on, Sam Mulkey, who with a party of miners was accompanying the governor, discovered, among the Indians on the opposite side of the river, two horses which had been stolen from him while returning from California in the spring of 1849. These the chiefs were required to return to the owner. Upon the return of the horses, it was found that a negro servant belonging to the cattle party had been captured by the Indians; and the chiefs were held as hostages until he was safely delivered in camp. This was done about dark. The negro had gone in the morning prospecting for gold, taking a pistol with him, but unconscious of danger. About noon the Indians pounced down upon him and took him prisoner. They not only took his pistol, but stripped him of his clothing. Being a curiosity to them, they concluded to make him a slave. The poor negro was extremely happy in being returned, and never after left the protection of the camp.
    At this point, John Kelly, who was register of the land office of Southern Oregon in 1861, and afterwards collector of customs at Portland, purchased the interest of Captain Thompson in the band of cattle, and went with the party to the Sacramento Valley, which they reached without difficulty. Upon their arrival, the cattle were sold; and most of the members engaged in mining during the winter. In the spring, General Lane, Brown, Kelly and Angel came north to the newly discovered mines on Scott River, a branch of the Klamath.
    The wave of gold seekers, attracted by the first discovery in 1848, swept northward up the Sacramento River, over almost inaccessible mountains and more dangerous cañons, through a country that had never been explored, to the Trinity and Klamath rivers, and in the year 1850 had almost reached the Siskiyou Mountains. The difficulty of getting supplies to the miners over the rough mountain trails they had followed in their explorations led some of the adventurous men in San Francisco to acquire a cheaper route by sea. The mouth of the Klamath River, which enters the Pacific Ocean about forty miles south of the forty-second parallel of latitude, offered the nearest route to the mines, if it should prove to be practicable.
    In the spring of 1850, the firm of Winchester, Payne & Co. promoted a scheme for this purpose, which was known as the Klamath exploring expedition. Patrick Flanagan, of Coos Bay, was one of the stockholders in the company. The company fitted out the schooner Samuel Roberts, under the command of Captain Coffin, with Peter Mackey as first mate. On arriving at the mouth of the Klamath River, it was found that it was not navigable, and that it was impossible to construct a road from that point to the mines, by reason of the inaccessible mountain ranges intervening. After this discomfiture, the vessel sailed up the coast until it reached the mouth of Rogue River, in latitude about forty-two degrees, twenty-five minutes. Here Mackey and two of the men landed in a small boat to prospect the river and its entrance. Upon their landing, they were immediately surrounded by hostile Indians. By keeping close together, and threatening their  assailants with their revolvers, they protected themselves until Captain Coffin, seeing the danger to which they were exposed, fired from the vessel a cannon-shot over their heads. The noise was so novel and terrifying that the Indians fled in great haste, enabling Mackey and his men to reach their boat and the vessel in safety. Proceeding up the coast, the mouth of the Umpqua River was reached, which was entered without accident of any kind. The Samuel Roberts was the first vessel of any nation to enter the Umpqua River.
    It took but a short time to satisfy the explorers that the river was navigable for a considerable distance from its mouth, and that a practicable route for a wagon road could be located to the Applegate road, which furnished a comparatively easy way to the mines in Northern California. After ascertaining these facts, the Samuel Roberts returned to San Francisco.
    The glowing accounts of their new discovery, given by the members of the Klamath expedition upon their return, created a great excitement in the city; and the firm of Winchester, Payne & Co. immediately fitted out another schooner, the Kate Heath, for the same port. The party consisted of one hundred men, headed by Mr. Winchester, and was intended as not only a trading but a colonization venture. Their object was not alone to establish a trade from their new seaport to the mines, but to select and lay out townsites at such points as would likely prove trade centers in the country which they confidently believed would be rapidly settled. Among the adventurers were many men who subsequently made their mark in the state, of whom we may name Addison C. Gibbs, afterwards governor of the state; Patrick Flanagan, who afterwards engaged in coal mining on Coos Bay; Addison R. Flint, who came with the expedition as surveyor, and many others whose names will appear in a subsequent part of this work.
    The Kate Heath sailed from San Francisco on the 12th of September, 1850, and entered the Umpqua safely after a quick passage. After crossing the bay, they were surprised to find the wreck of a vessel which proved to be the ship Bostonian. This ship had been dispatched by a Boston merchant by the name of Gardiner with a cargo of merchandise, around Cape Horn, under the charge of George Snelling, a nephew of Gardiner, as supercargo, as an adventure on the Northwest coast. Snelling having heard of the new discovery entered the Umpqua, but having missed the channel was wrecked upon a sand spit. The crew managed to save most of the cargo, which was taken to a place of safety and covered by the sails of the wrecked vessel. This spot was named Gardiner, and has ever since been a place of importance as a seaport.
    The party on the Kate Heath laid out their first town near the mouth of the river on the north side, which they named Umpqua City. Passing up the river beyond Gardiner, they arrived at the mouth of Smith River, where a number of men were landed to cut piling timber, then in great demand at San Francisco, for a return cargo. Some of the party went up to the head of tide water, where they found that Captain Levi Scott, the old mountaineer, had already laid out a townsite which he named Scottsburg, which he was probably induced to do by the entrance into the river of the Samuel Roberts. The same party proceeded to find a trail to the Applegate road; and on the route at the mouth of Elk Creek they laid out the town of Elkton. They found a good wagon road to the main thoroughfare a few miles from the North Umpqua River, at the crossing of which they laid out the town of Winchester. The exploring party returned to Smith River, where the schooner was loaded with piles and spars, and sailed for San Francisco, where she arrived safely. Owing to a conflict of views, the association was broken up. Winchester, Payne & Co. became bankrupt; and all their brilliant prospects were left for others to realize.
    The vessels which entered the mouth of the Umpqua River during the year 1850 were the Samuel Roberts, Bostonian (wrecked), Ortolan, Kate Heath, Reindeer, Minerva and Caleb Curtis. All except the first two came in ballast with passengers, and took a return cargo of piles. Nearly all these passengers remained and became citizens of the new territory. Many of them took claims under the Donation Act, while others engaged in various occupations.
    The new settlers were all deeply impressed with the importance of opening the route to the mines in Northern California; and, with this object in view, they laid out a trail to the main overland thoroughfare. At Winchester, John Aiken and Thomas Smith had established a ferry. During this year, Dr. E. R. Fiske located a donation claim adjoining and below that of Levi Scott; and later William Sloan located one still farther down the river, which were subsequently known as Middle and Lower Scottsburg. In December, 1850, Captain Morgan, who owned the bark Minerva, and J. Woodbury of Hartford, Connecticut, established the first store in Southern Oregon, upon the premises of Dr. Fiske; and Dr. E. P. Drew was selected by the owners to take charge of the same. This was a great convenience to the settlers in the upper part of the valley, who had before been compelled to purchase and pack their supplies from Corvallis, then called Marysville, a distance of one hundred and twenty miles.
    The increase of settlements along the Umpqua in this year, caused by the discovery of a new seaport, was sufficiently large to induce the territorial legislature, in the winter of 1850-51, to establish a county government for their benefit. The new county was named Umpqua; and its boundary line commenced on the coast at the southwest corner of Benton County, thence east to the Calapooia Mountains, thence following this dividing ridge to the head of Calapooia Creek, thence down that stream to its mouth, thence down the Umpqua River to the Pacific Ocean. All the remainder of Southern Oregon belonged to the county of Lane. The organization of Umpqua was effected in the spring of 1851.

    During the winter of 1850, the mines on Scott River and Yreka, just south of the Siskiyou Mountains, were discovered, and, proving very rich, attracted a large number of miners. In the spring of 1851, after the water had failed on the Yreka flat, the miners started north, in search of new placers. One party of thirty men, under the leadership of Hardy Elliff, now a resident of Douglas County, crossed the mountains by the way of the old Oregon and California trail into the Rogue River Valley, followed it down to the present site of Jacksonville, thence south by Sterling and Little Applegate creeks and across the mountains to the Klamath River. After going down the river a short distance, they recrossed the mountains and reached the head of Illinois River, upon which and its tributaries very rich placer mines were discovered; and a large influx of miners followed. Thus the settlement of Josephine County preceded that of Jackson by nearly a year.
    In the spring and summer of 1851, three ferries were established on Rogue River to accommodate the increased travel to and from the Willamette Valley and California. These were all, or nearly all, on the line of the Applegate road. The names of the daring adventurers who risked their lives in the business were Davis Evans, Charles Perkins and the Jewett brothers. The ferry stations were the only houses or cabins between the Umpqua Valley and Yreka.
    Early in 1851, I. B. Nichols, who left Iowa for Oregon with the immigration of 1847, but followed the party going down the Humboldt River to California, was engaged in packing from the new seaport of Scottsburg to the Yreka mines. On entering Rogue River Valley, he was informed that the Indians, in violation of their treaty with Governor Lane, were openly hostile. He camped with his train at Willow Springs, but a few miles south of Rogue River, taking every precaution against surprise. The subsequent events, as related by Mr. Nichols himself, are as follows:
    "Just at daybreak, June 2, 1851, A. B. Jenkins went to the spring near the willows for water, and was ambushed by the Indians. He was seated dipping water when he was fired upon. His coat was nearly torn off of him by buckshot; but only one hit him in the heel. He ran out of sight; and the Indians, seeing me coming to his rescue, began firing at me. The other men of the party, who were in bed when the firing commenced, hastily rushed to the rescue with their guns. The savages, who were too cowardly to fight in open ground, although there were only six of us, took refuge in the willows, from which we were unable to dislodge them, on account of the density of the thicket. Seeing two of the Indians mount their horses and ride towards Rogue River, evidently for reinforcements, our party mounted our saddle horses and hastened to Perkins' ferry for assistance. Having secured an addition to our party, we returned to our camp, to find that the Indians had destroyed the outfit, taken all the cargo, and driven off all of the train but four mules." Mr. Nichols went on to Yreka with the pack [train] of Ball & Jacobs, where he purchased a new outfit, and returned to the Willamette for another cargo. On the 3rd of June, a party of thirty-two Oregonians, under Dr. James McBride, returning from California, were attacked near Willow Springs. The Indians were repulsed with a loss of seven killed, the whites having one man wounded in the thigh, and losing four saddle and pack animals, one of them having a pack containing fifteen hundred dollars in gold dust.
    In May, 1851, the late General Phil Kearny, then a Brevet Major of the First Dragoons, left Fort Vancouver overland for Benicia barracks in California, with a squadron of that regiment. Upon his arrival at the Umpqua Cañon, he was met by a deputation of settlers, miners and packers, who presented him a petition, of which we give a copy, as it contains not only a full statement of the condition of affairs at that time, but a list of all the white men then in that section of the country:
"To MAJOR KEARNY, Commanding Detachment U.S. Army,
    "Sir: The undersigned, citizens of the United States and residents of Oregon, beg leave respectfully to inform you that the savages in this vicinity and along the southern frontier of this territory are now in a state of actual hostility to the white inhabitants.
    "They have recently attacked and robbed several parties, and murdered a number of citizens pursuing their peaceful avocations. Those engaged in mining operations have, by the determined hostility of the natives, been forced to embody themselves in large parties and maintain a military organization for their common safety, which draws heavily on the time of each individual, and greatly diminishes the profits of labor. Besides which, many persons who have formed settlements for agricultural and commercial purposes have been forced to abandon their homes and flee to a place of safety. All of these facts we are, if desired, able to establish by the most positive evidence.
    "We will further state that if you consider the case one justifying you in attempting the fortification and safety of the southern frontier, we pledge ourselves, so long as you may be detained in the performance of this, to us, highly important service, to supply your troops with ammunition and subsistence at prices as low to the government as such articles can be obtained and transported to the seat of your operations.
    "Earnestly soliciting a reply, we remain, with the highest respects,
    "Your most obedient servants,
"Joseph Knott, W. Patterson, Wm. Harris, A. B. Florence, Wesley Carroll, John W. Lancaster, J. C. Gouldin, H. P. McGee, W. H. Bolander, D. Evans, Philander Gilbert, M. M. Foote, Samuel Hoffman, George B. Cullen, Franklin Kittredge, Daniel Grewell, J. D. Jewett, Jack Powell, Geo. C. Brown, William Judd, James F. Gazley, W. D. Eakin, Albert H. Hakes, Sam'l. McCullum, David Avery, Charles Perkins, Hearon Noble, Wm. T. Patton, John Sweet, Samuel Neill, David White, James Williams, N. P. Newton, David G. Boyd, Thomas N. Aubrey, J. M. Jesse, Gilbert Reynolds, Waldo Jewett, Sewell Johnson, Edward Griffin, R. Ferrel, John Dickens, John Fullerton, J. W. Corkins, A. Tyrrel, Wm. Burget, Reuben F. Burget, David Powell, Geo. T. Easterbrook, Leonard J. Powell, James G. McLealner, J. M. Stuart, C. G. Belknap, G. W. Bethards, H. A. Belknap, M. G. St. John, Reuben Dickens, Joseph A. Watt, James Watt, R. S. Jewett, Wm. Densmore, Wm. N. Wells, Jesse Hawley, Chisholm Griffith, Allen Nixon."
    Major Kearny, who was too gallant a soldier to resist such an appeal, immediately undertook to protect the settlers. It is impossible to describe his subsequent campaign more tersely than he has done in his reports to the adjutant general at Washington, of which the following are copies:
"THE ADJUTANT GENERAL, U.S. ARMY,
    "Sir: I have the honor to report in detail that I left Columbia Barracks, Vancouver, on the 29th ultimo, pursuant to instructions from division headquarters, with the squadron of First Dragoons, late transferred from the Mounted Rifles, en route for California.
    "The first part of our march was the ordinary routine, passing through a thinly settled, but uncommonly fertile and beautiful country. On nearing the extreme settlements, rumors of Indian hostilities met us. At Knotts, at the entrance of the Umpqua Cañon, the truth of these was confirmed beyond a doubt; and I was waited on by a deputation of citizens with a petition requesting the protection of my command.
    "A post is required in this vicinity more than at any other point in Oregon. This point is the key to the road to California, and is the best entrance for emigrants to Oregon; and the Rogue River Indians are proverbially the tribe of all others to be dreaded as fierce and treacherous in the extreme. At this moment, not only is the 'road' infested by them, but all the settlements throughout the Umpqua are in danger.
    "As, under my orders, it was not in my power to delay more than a limited period, I deemed it advisable to surprise these Indians, if possible. Consequently, having detached my train under Lieutenant Irvine, by the regular road, with as strong a force as I could spare, guided by Messrs. Jesse Applegate and Levi Scott, I penetrated by a new route, placing myself in rear of the presumed situation of the Rogue River villages; and thus I hoped, with even the limited force of sixty-seven men, to break them up before they could combine or disperse. We left Knotts on the 14th instant, following up the South Umpqua, crossed the Divide on the 16th, and reached the Rogue River on the following day.
    "Our difficulty was the uncertainty of the distance to, and the situation of, the villages. They were supposed to be from five to ten miles off. My plan was rapidly to sweep both sides of the river; but it was found for miles unfordable and dangerous in swimming from the swiftness of the current and nature of the banks.
    "We pushed on at a trot on discovering a fresh trail; but signals and cries soon convinced us that we had been discovered and our movements watched. The column took the gallop, trusting to anticipate the Indian scouts, Captain Walker leading with orders to seize cañons or passes when he could, and Captain Stuart following in supporting distance, but destined under my command to act on the right bank, the provisions and baggage following with a small guard.
    "A party of Indians being observed in a hammock, Captain Walker dismounted and cleared it, the Indians escaping by the river. Captain Stuart was ordered to cover this movement. Shortly after this period, Captain Walker most gallantly pushed across the river in defiance of all obstacles, and some Indians opposite, fortunately without accident. I then overtook and joined Captain Stuart's half squadron just in time to see it, in a brisk skirmish, charge and destroy a party of the enemy, who fought desperately--a charge brilliant in itself, but costly to us, as it resulted in the death of its most distinguished leader, who fell mortally wounded whilst leading his men. Two others were badly wounded. The train had now to be waited for, and the camp of the wounded established.
    "This occasioned a delay of some three-quarters of an hour, and left me but seventeen disposable men, with whom, accompanied by Lieutenant Williamson of the Topographical Engineers, whom I assigned to line duty, I pushed on again rapidly, hoping at least to make a diversion for Captain Walker. After passing on some miles, a smoke at a distance, which proved to be a signal fire, led me to suppose that Captain Walker had destroyed some villages.
    "I consequently disposed my men so as to intercept the fugitives. This brought me unexpectedly on a powerful war party of two hundred and fifty or three hundred Indians. Fortunately, an isolated clump of trees gave me a strong position and concealed my numbers. I maintained this position as long as I dared, without being cut off from my camp, and retired without loss.
    "The next day, fearing for Lieutenant Irvine's and Captain Walker's detachments, especially from our previous ignorance of a strong war party, and greatly hampered by hospital litters, I crossed to the left bank to avoid an action amidst the ravines and passes.
    "The 19th June, Captain Walker and Lieutenant Irvine joined me, from a camp at the foot of the Siskiyou Mountains. I enclose Captain Walker's report of his movements.
    "My position is such as to leave the enemy in doubt as to my future moves; and they are likely to remain deceived. In the meanwhile, I have sent Messrs. Applegate and Scott, with an address to the citizens in the several adjoining mining districts, calling on them to turn out in force, in which case our dragoons will do their duty in the main attack; and the volunteer companies will cut the Indians off from their villages, or pursue them to the mountains. I trust in this manner to afford relief from the Indian attacks until a post can be permanently established, which I now recommend as necessary. The post would in a short time be of little expense, as the Rogue River bottoms are very fertile.
    "In detailing those operations, I must mention that Messrs. Levi Scott, Jesse Applegate and W. G. T'Vault, gentlemen of high standing as pioneers in Oregon, have rendered me as much service, by their courage and coolness before the enemy, as by their knowledge as guides in this new region.
    "I have the honor again to report the satisfactory conduct of every man of my detachment, and of the gallant and efficient manner in which I have been supported by Captain Walker and Lieutenant Williamson. Brevet Captain Stuart's brilliant career raises him beyond the commendation of the individual commander. It can only be uttered by the united voice of the Army of Mexico.
    "I am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant,
    Captain Walker's report is as follows:
"LIEUTENANT C. E. IRVINE,
    "Adjutant First Dragoon Detachment,
    "Sir: I have the honor to communicate for the information of Brevet Major First Dragoons, Commanding, that, agreeably to his orders, I crossed Rogue River on the morning of the 17th instant, with detachment Company E, First Dragoons, at a point about twenty miles north of this place. Major Kearny, with detachment Company A, under the late Brevet Captain Stuart, remaining on the right bank, the object being to sweep down both banks of the river and to chastise or destroy any bands of hostile Indians that might be encountered, and for me to act in concert with the command on the opposite shore as far as circumstances would allow. At the same time, each party was thought to be of sufficient strength to be successful against any force of hostile Indians that might be encountered, and also that the two companies would form a junction with each other at some point below, which in our ignorance of the country could not be designated.
    "In obeying these instructions, I pursued the course of the stream some ten or twelve miles, encountering and partly destroying several bands of hostile Indians. Before proceeding further down, I considered it important to gain, if possible, information of Major Kearny's position and route. For this purpose, I dispatched a noncommissioned officer with four men to return on my trail and ascertain, if possible, where Major Kearny then was, and to receive his orders. After several hours' absence, the party returned without bringing any information relative to Major Kearny's command, although the noncommissioned officer reported that he had gone almost to the point of our crossing in the morning, and was prevented from going to that point by encountering a large band of hostile Indians, which he supposed had been driven across by Major Kearny's command passing down on the opposite shore.
    "At the point I had then reached, the river formed a semicircle, my line of march being on the outer circumference, while the company under Major Kearny, by taking the chord of the arc, would arrive much sooner than I could at the point below, where a large force of hostile Indians were said to be assembled.
    "This line of march I supposed he had pursued; and in order to cooperate with the other company in the main attack, which I was now aware would be more serious than I had previously supposed, I pushed forward along the bank of the Rogue River for fifteen miles as rapidly as possible, endeavoring without success, at every point that looked fordable, to recross the river.
    "From an elevated point, I now obtained a good view of the country on the opposite side of the river, and saw to my surprise several hundred Indians (mounted and dismounted) on a plain at the base of what is known as Table Mountain. I then became still more desirous of recrossing and forming a junction with the command on the opposite side, wherever they might be, as I knew they were unprepared to encounter so formidable a force as the Indians had here assembled. Crossing here, however, was utterly impossible, as by the junction of several large tributaries the stream was here very deep and of great rapidity of current, assuming more the character of a torrent rushing between high banks of volcanic rock.
    "My anxiety to join Major Kearny was not lessened by remembering that my company was entirely unprovided with subsistence. To have countermarched twenty-five or thirty miles to the point where I left Major Kearny in the morning would have occupied all of next day; and on arriving there I might not find him, and during which time my company would be without food. Under these circumstances, I determined to endeavor to find the main road leading from Oregon to California, in hope of falling in with Lieutenant Irvine's subsistence train, or with some emigrant or mining party from whom subsistence might be procured.
    "I accordingly left the river, and, pursuing a southeastern direction for about five miles, had the satisfaction of finding the road, and, after traveling about six miles further, encamped for the night, having marched that day over forty miles.
    "The next morning, at daylight, I pursued my course, and before going far had the satisfaction of learning from a party of miners that Lieutenant Irvine was in advance of me; and, pushing on rapidly, I overtook him about noon on the 18th. I should have set out to rejoin Major Kearny's command immediately on getting supplies; but, from the exhaustion of both men and horses after two days of rapid marching, and the men without food, I considered it advisable not to set out on my return before the next morning. In the afternoon, however, I received orders from Major Kearny to follow back my route and join him here, with which I complied, joining him at this camp on the 19th instant.
    "I am, very respectfully, etc.,
    Major Kearny, in his hasty report, neglected to mention that I. B. Nichols, who had just returned with a cargo from the Willamette, and several others, left Knotts with his detachment; while the men who signed the petition for his assistance hastily organized a company under Captain Humphrey, and joined him at the earliest possible moment. General Jo Lane, who returned to Oregon from the Scott River mines early in the spring, and had been elected delegate to Congress in place of Hon. Sam Thurston, deceased, upon hearing of the proposed campaign, at once organized a company of volunteers and proceeded to the scene of hostilities. The balance of the campaign is best described in Major Kearny's final report:
    "Sir: I have the honor to continue the report of my late movements against the Rogue River Indians. My desire had been, by assembling a large force of volunteers, to simultaneously occupy the principal passes of the mountains, so that the Indians, retiring before our main party, might be intercepted in their retreat to the inner villages--our difficulty being a want of knowledge of the country and their system of detecting our movements by spies on the most elevated peaks.
    "The position of my camp enabled me, while awaiting volunteers, to cover the road, and to afford a safe resting spot to parties from the mines. I recaptured the only packs robbed within miles of me.
    "Sunday, the 22nd, at noon, Mr. Levi Scott returned from the Rogue River mines, and in the evening Mr. Jesse Applegate, accompanied by Colonel Freaner (of New Orleans), from Chaste (Shasta) plains. The desultory bonds of a mining community caused a comparatively small number to volunteer. Those who did, however, rendered much service, and were extremely active. They amounted, with Captain Humphrey's party (a volunteer force organized at my camp), to near one hundred.
    "As soon as it became dark, that same night, by a rapid march, I placed myself again near and above the point where I expected to find the rendezvous of the Indian war party. The shortness of the night caused it to be daylight before we could reach it; and our efforts to secure their horses were without avail. The 23rd and 24th were spent in breaking up the Indian ranches, and in destroying such war parties as we could meet.
    "On the afternoon of the 23rd, there was something of a brisk skirmish, in a dense hammock, with a party, which had been first intercepted by Colonel Freaner's spies. This gentlemen deserves to be particularly noticed for the zealous manner with which he left important interests at the Chaste mines to volunteer in this quarter.
    "The night of the 24th, General Lane, who, on learning of the troubles, had raised a party and had been acting in the vicinity, joined our camp. As General Lane was present in a private capacity, it was not possible to yield (as I would have desired), as due to his position and distinguished reputation, the command of my detachment; but I had the honor, from that time, of acting in cooperation with him.
    "Accompanying General Lane with part of my dragoons (Captain Walker, Captain Humphreys and Colonel Freaner scouring the country at opposite points), we forded Rogue River from the left bank, at a point about ten miles above the ferry; and following up a creek, over a country hitherto unexplored, we spent the next three days in making a circuit around the stronghold near Table Rock. We returned to Camp Stuart (our permanent camp) on the evening of the 27th instant.
    "Whilst on this detour, General Lane's party succeeded in capturing the family of the head chief.
    "The occupations of the citizens are such, that in thus spiritedly turning out, they have done everything that could be expected. I declined assuming any direct command over them, although they have cheerfully acted on such points as I assigned to them. Governor Lane, of course, would have been chosen to that command had they acted in one body.
    "We have taken many prisoners from among the women and children--above thirty. They will prove useful in effecting a treaty, or holding the Indians in check. It was impossible to spare the men, as they combat with desperation to the last, meeting any advances with treachery. In these late affairs, there have been a number of wounded, but none seriously.
    "The volunteers broke up on the 28th instant. This morning, the 29th, I will resume my march to California. The lateness of the rainy season, the temporary nature of my outfit for the detachment, this late delay of more than a fortnight's operations, which counts from my leaving Knott's, on the South Umpqua, imperatively demand that I lose no time (according to division orders) in organizing the Dragoons in California with the Rifle transfers, those present with us and those who went by sea; and I consequently must content myself with these rapid operations, which, as the enemy has been dispersed and many severe blows inflicted on him by the loss of life, capture of families and destruction of property, have had all and more success than I could have hoped. Still a post is instantly demanded to maintain quiet; nor have I any faith in a treaty with these people.
    "Whilst again recounting the efficiency of Brevet Captain Walker and Lieutenant Williamson, it gives me pleasure to state that Lieutenant Irvine, who has commanded detachment Company A, has proved himself as valuable a line officer as he has been indefatigable as acting Quartermaster and Commissary.
    "Assistant Surgeon Edgar has been untiring in the discharge of his duties to the sick and wounded.
    "I am, sir, very respectfully, etc.,
    General Lane, in writing of the campaign, says: "The Indians have been completely whipped in every fight. Some fifty of them have been killed, and thirty taken prisoners. Major Kearny has been in the saddle for more than ten days, scouring the country and pouncing upon the Indians wherever they could be found. Never has an Indian country been invaded with better success, nor at a better time." (As the name of the gallant officer who was killed in this campaign has been differently spelled in the reports, it is proper to say that his name was James Stuart, not Stewart. )
    General Lane accompanied Major Kearny and his detachment, on his route to San Francisco, as far as the Shasta mines, where he had some business matters to attend to. As General Lane would return to Oregon in a few days, Major Kearny took advantage of the opportunity to get rid of his troublesome prisoners, by turning them over to the General, and taking his receipt therefor, of which the following is a copy:
    "I have this day received of Major P. Kearny, U.S. Army, by Captain Walker, thirty-one prisoners (women and children) taken from the Indians living on Rogue River, Oregon, which I am to deliver to Governor Gaines of said territory, or to the Superintendent of Indian Affairs."
    In a few days after, General Lane returned to the Willamette Valley, taking the prisoners with him. These he delivered safely to Governor Gaines, whom he met at the crossing of Rogue River, who was at that point for the purpose of making a treaty with the Indians. After the delivery of the prisoners, Governor Gaines made a treaty with the Rogue River Indians, which, while indefinite in its terms, would have been sufficient to control the recently punished tribes had he appointed the right man as Indian agent. Judge Alonzo A. Skinner, to whom this position was assigned, was probably the most unqualified person for the place that could have been found in the whole territory. He had arrived in the country from the East only the year before, was entirely ignorant of the character of the Indians placed in his charge, and, although a man of strict honor and integrity, was the most amiable of men, with no force of character whatever. The Rogue River Indians, who were a nation of warriors and only respected a fighting man, soon discovered the agent was a king log, and treated him accordingly. In justice to Judge Skinner, it should be stated that he labored under the disadvantage of having no troops under his control, while Dr. Anson Dart, then Indian superintendent of the territory, seemed to ignore the existence of these warlike tribes. The result of this mismanagement will be seen later.

    In addition to the campaign before related, the year of 1851 was an eventful one for Southern Oregon in regard to its settlements. During this year, the Umpqua Valley, the fertile soil and equable climate of which was well known to the early pioneers, became settled. From the Calapooia Mountains to the Umpqua Cañon, from Yoncalla to the seaport of Scottsburg, and, in fact, in every open valley, daring settlers had taken claims under the Donation Act. Each one of these settlers was a hero, and his wife a heroine. Compelled to live in the most primitive manner, without any of the luxuries and without many of the necessities to which they had been accustomed, at the risk of their lives from hostile savages, they determined to carve out a home for themselves and their posterity.
    The act of 1850, establishing the county of Umpqua, having omitted to provide the time and places of holding elections, Governor John P. Gaines, in April, 1851, issued a proclamation ordering the election to be held at the time of the regular election in June, and fixing the polling places at the house of Jesse Applegate in Yoncalla, at Reason Reed's, on Calapooia Creek, at the house of John Aiken, Umpqua ferry, and at Scottsville (Scottsburg), the head of tide water on the Umpqua River. This election resulted in the choice of Dr. Joseph W. Drew, Representative; J. W. Perit Huntington, Clerk; Henry Jacquith, Sheriff; A. German, Treasurer; A. Pierce, Assessor; Ben J. Grubbe, J. N. Hall and William Golden, County Commissioners. The total vote was seventy-eight; but it is safe to say that not more than half the vote was polled, owing to the distance from the polls and the pressing necessity of the settlers and merchants to remain at home. Soon after, the county offices were organized and the business in full operation. Elkton was designated as the county seat. This point was on the main Umpqua River, opposite the site of Fort Umpqua, but never grew into a town, and was afterwards abandoned. Pack trails were cut out from Scottsburg to Yoncalla, and from Scottsburg to Winchester, and two ferries established across the bend of the Umpqua River, the lower one by Henry H. Woodward and the upper one by Abijah Ives. Post offices were established at Scottsburg, with S. F. Chadwick, postmaster; Gardiner, George L. Snelling, postmaster; Elkton, Daniel B. Wells, postmaster; and Umpqua City, Amos E. Rogers, postmaster.
    These were the first post offices south of the Calapooia Mountains. The chief source of this prosperity was the opening of the Umpqua River to commerce, and the establishment of mercantile houses at Scottsburg to supply the mines of Northern California, by means of which the settlers could procure their supplies without the heavy expense of transportation from the Willamette Valley by pack trains.
    Scottsburg at this time, like ancient Gaul, was divided into three parts. The claim of Levi Scott, the original one, was known as Upper Scottsburg, that of Dr. E. R. Fiske, next below, was Middle Scottsburg, and the lower, that of William Sloan, as Lower Scottsburg. In December, 1850, Captain Morgan, of the bark Minerva, and J. Woodbury of Hartford, Connecticut, established the first store at Middle Scottsburg. In January, 1851, Turner & Chism put up a store in Upper Scottsburg; and the next in order was the establishment of Duncan McTavish with an extensive stock of goods. Then followed in rapid succession the firms of Merritt, Oppenheimer & Co.; Bradbury & Co.; Wadsworth, Peter & Ladd; R. E. Stratton; Dunlap & Co.; Dr. L. S. Thompson; Brown, Dunn & Co.; Geo. L. Snelling. These were all in Upper Scottsburg. In Lower Scottsburg, the firms were A. German & Co.; Chadwick, Hinsdale & Co.; Allen, McKinlay & Co.; Burns & Wood; and Mr. Hogan. Several of these firms had large pack trains, by which they shipped their goods to the mines, where they received fabulous prices. In May, Collins Willson was appointed collector of the port, and arrived at his post of duty, on the Sea Gull, in August. The entries at this port during 1851 were the McLellan, Andrew Roy, Capacity, Harriet, Minerva, Kate Heath, Commodore Preble, McLellan, Ortolan, Emily Farnham, Sea Gull, Almira, Fawn, Chesapeake and Orchilla. Nearly all of these vessels brought cargoes of merchandise, and for return cargo carried piles, wood, charcoal and fish.
    Fortune seemed to favor the adventurous settlers of the Umpqua, as but one casualty is reported during the year, which was the drowning of Briggs A. Turner and Captain Isaac Toner of the brig McLellan on the 7th of July, in the Umpqua River, by the upsetting of a boat.
    The success of the venture at the mouth of the Umpqua stimulated others to find a new port within easier reach of the mines. Captain William Tichenor, a shipmaster from New Jersey, who arrived at San Francisco in the fall of 1849 by the overland route, having purchased the schooner Jacob Ryerson, left San Francisco on an exploring voyage along the northern coast, and on March 26, 1850, discovered a harbor or roadstead in latitude forty-two degrees, forty-three minutes, some twenty miles north of the mouth of Rogue River, which he named Port Orford. Subsequently, he was appointed captain of the Sea Gull, a steamer plying between San Francisco and Portland, Oregon. The distance from Port Orford to the mines in Northern California is, in a direct line, less than one-third of that by the way of the mouth of the Umpqua; and as the topography of the country was unknown, never having been explored by white men, it was reasonable to suppose that as good a trail or road would be found up the valley of Rogue River as had been found in the Umpqua.
    Acting under this belief, Captain Tichenor determined to make a settlement at Port Orford. While at Portland the last of May, 1851, he engaged nine men for that purpose. Having secured a good supply of provisions, arms and ammunition, he took them aboard the Sea Gull on her trip to San Francisco; and on the 9th of June, 1851, they were safely landed at Port Orford, together with the ship's gun and copper magazine. The names of these adventurers were J. M. Kirkpatrick, Captain J. H. Egan, Joseph Hussey, Cyrus Hedden, R. E. Summers, P. D. Palmer, McCune, Rideout and Stater. After the landing, the ship proceeded on her voyage, the captain promising the men that on his return trip, which would he in twelve days, he would bring them a reinforcement from San Francisco. Upon arriving at that port, it was found necessary to repair and paint the ship, which delayed her return. While his vessel was being repaired, Captain Tichenor made a trip to Portland on the Pacific Mail Company's steamer Columbia, Captain Leroy commanding, in the capacity of pilot. As they entered the harbor of Port Orford, a number of canoes filled with Indians were seen paddling with all haste to the southward. The ship fired her gun to warn the men left there of her approach. As soon as the gun was fired, all the Indians plunged overboard and swam to the shore. After the vessel was anchored, a boat was manned and pulled ashore. At the landing lay a dead Indian. An immediate search proved that the carriage of the gun had been broken up, and that the magazine, as well as the tents, were gone. Hard bread and pork were scattered around, and devastation everywhere. Fragments of a diary were found scattered around, in which all the events that had happened up to the previous evening were recorded. A further diligent search having failed to find any trace of the men, the ship proceeded on her voyage to Portland, all on board being fully satisfied that the men left had been massacred.
    The adventures of the first settlers of Port Orford are best told in a letter written by their Captain, J. M. Kirkpatrick. He says: "We were landed at Port Orford on the morning of the 9th of June, 1851. We found the Indians, who made their appearance when we first landed, to be somewhat friendly disposed, manifesting a disposition to trade with us; but this did not last longer than the steamer lay in the bay. As soon as she left, they grew saucy and ordered us off. Finding that we would not go, they all left. In the meantime, we had taken possession of a small island or rock, detached from the mainland by a passage about one hundred yards in width, upon which we made our encampment. We had a four-pounder cannon, which we had brought from the steamer. This we planted in front of our encampment, so as to rake the passage to the bottom or offset in the island. The Indians did not make their appearance till early the next morning, when they began to gather on the beach in considerable numbers. I noticed that they were better armed than when we first landed. There were about forty of them on the ground.
    "At sunrise, they built up several fires and went through with a regular war dance. They were joined by others who came over the hills, and shortly after by twelve others with a chief, who came in a large canoe. By this time, there were about sixty of them. As soon as the chief landed, they began to come up the island. We met them and made signs that we would shoot them if they did not go back. This had no effect on them, and they still came on. We then retired to the top of the island, where we had our gun stationed. They had by this time gained the top of the first step, about forty of them in number. They then made a rush to pitch into the camp among us, the chief leading the way. As he approached the top of the hill, he seized hold of a musket in the hands of one of the men and would have wrenched it out of his hands had not another man struck him over the hands and knocked his hold loose. In an instant, they threw a volley of arrows at us, the most of them passing over our heads. The great crowd of them were within six feet of the mouth of the cannon. I jerked up a firebrand, and discharged the cannon among them, killing some six or eight dead. This threw them into confusion, which we followed up with a discharge from our rifles and pistols. Three of them only got into the camp, and were knocked down with the butts of our guns. The fight lasted about fifteen minutes, when the Indians broke and ran, leaving thirteen dead on the ground. They fled to the hills and rocks, and continued to shoot their arrows at us for some time. There were a great many of them wounded, and I learned afterwards from an Indian at the mouth of the Umpqua, who could speak jargon, that there were twenty killed and fifteen wounded. There were four of our men wounded.
    "The Indians got several rifles, and shot at us in the afternoon, but with no effect. During the afternoon, a chief came up the beach, and made signs that he wanted to come into camp. He threw his arms down on the sand, and we let him come up. He made signs that he wanted to take away the dead. This we let him do; and, while he was in the camp, I made signs to him that, in fourteen days from the time we arrived there, we would go away. After they had taken away their dead, they fired a few shots at us and left. We were not troubled by them any more till the morning of the fifteenth day, when they attacked us again. There were a great many more at the second fight than at the first. There were at least fifteen of them to one of us. Their chief came out and urged them in tones that could be heard a mile distant, but could not prevail on them to make the second rush on us. They shot their arrows at us at the distance of three hundred yards, a great many of them falling in the camp; but none of us received the slightest injury. We were at this time in a critical situation. Our ammunition was just about gone. We had not more than eight or nine rounds of shot left, and were surrounded by at least one hundred and fifty Indians. The only alternative left was to take to the woods, and make our way to the habitation of white men. Here fortune appeared to favor us. The Indians drew off, and went down the coast to the mouth of a small creek, where they built a number of fires. There were still a number that stayed to watch us. We then went to work to strengthen our breastwork. This movement had the desired effect; for, in a few minutes, they all left to join the others. This gave us an opportunity to make our escape to the woods, which we effected, leaving everything we had in the camp, except our small arms."
    The account of the journey to the Umpqua, told in the same way, is very interesting, although full of painful incidents. The party was obliged to avoid the beach, where they could have obtained food, on account of hostile Indians, and for four days were obliged to subsist on salmonberries, which are a very light diet. On the evening of the fourth day, they struck the beach, where they got some mussels, upon which they lived until they reached the mouth of Coos River. Here they found some friendly Indians, who furnished them food, but compelled them to give the shirts from their backs as the price of crossing them to the other side. After almost incredible hardships, they arrived at the mouth of the Umpqua on the eighth day after leaving Battle Rock, as it has since been appropriately named, and were kindly greeted by the settlers in Umpqua City and Gardiner.
    Captain Tichenor, upon his return to San Francisco on July 1st, found the Sea Gull ready to take in cargo, and, not disheartened by the disastrous result of his first venture, adhered to his purpose of making a settlement at Port Orford. He accordingly called for volunteers, which were easily obtained, as there were in the city at that time a large number of adventurous, as well as idle and destitute, persons willing to go anywhere, if it promised success or the means of support. The vessel sailed with sixty-seven men, under the command of James S. Gamble. They were provided with a brass six-pounder gun, two iron swivels and small arms of the most approved pattern obtainable at that time, with ammunition, provisions, clothing and everything necessary for a four-months' siege. All were safely landed on the 14th of July. The volunteers were active and intelligent young men for the most part, who made good citizens; and many of them made their mark upon the history of Southern Oregon, among whom must be named L. L. Williams, whose record will more fully appear. But, unfortunately, some of them were the worst desperadoes that could have been found in the Golden City. Mr. Nolan joined the expedition at Humboldt Bay.
    Immediately on their arrival, a point was selected on the mainland, which was picketed, and two blockhouses erected inside of heavy logs, which was named Fort Point. Upon the return trip of the Sea Gull, Captain Tichenor brought some swine and six horses. W. G. T'Vault, who had been a guide for Major Kearny in the spring, came as a passenger, and was expected to discover the most direct route to the mines in the interior. Upon the departure of the vessel, it was found necessary to send fourteen of the most desperate and insubordinate back to San Francisco. The prospects at this time were very favorable. The fortifications had been completed, and the Indians began to come in, showing a disposition to trade and be friendly.
    On the 24th of August, two parties were sent to find a trail to the overland route, one under the command of Mr. Nolan, the other under T'Vault. The first-named party returned safely after being out seven days, but were entirely unsuccessful in accomplishing their object. The party under T'Vault also failed in their purpose, but were much more unfortunate. The T'Vault company consisted of eighteen men, with six pack horses to carry provisions, blankets, etc., and was accompanied by an Indian chief, who went to guide them to the Rogue River. After being out eight or nine days, nine of the party returned to Port Orford, bringing a flattering report of their progress. The party were proceeding easterly until they reached the Rogue River, where the Indian guide left them. They followed this course but a short distance, when they left the river, and in about ten miles found an Indian trail leading in a northerly direction, which they pursued for several days, under the belief that it would lead them to the Umpqua River. Upon reaching the stream, it proved to be the south branch of the Coquille; but, at the time, they mistook it for the Coos River, which mistake was soon discovered by Cyrus Hedden, who had been one of the nine who escaped from Battle Rock in June. Upon reaching the river, they abandoned their pack horses and all their baggage, as they were almost on the point of starvation, and had been subsisting upon berries alone for several days. Following down the stream, they arrived at the main Coquille River, where, meeting a number of Indians, they induced them, by presents of buttons and such things as could be spared, to take them in their canoes to the mouth of the river. Upon reaching a point about two miles from the mouth, they discovered a number of Indians in canoes near the north bank of the river, and about two hundred more on the shore. The men were weak and hungry, having had nothing to eat for several days; so they determined to obtain some provisions at all hazards. With this view, they approached the shore; but as they did so, their canoes were seized and brought near the bank. While no hostile demonstrations were yet made, their request for food was refused; and, when they attempted to push off and resume their journey, their canoes were held by the Indians. Suddenly about fifty Indians sprang into the water, seized the arms of the men before they could fire, sank their canoes, and commenced a murderous attack with clubs and knives. T'Vault's account is as follows:
    "I was sick and hardly able to sit up in the canoe, but, as I rushed to the shore, was stabbed and knocked down by two blows, one on the breast and the other on the back, and suppose I was thrown into the river for dead or to be drowned. The first thing I remember was that I was about thirty feet from the shore in swimming water, and was helped into a small canoe by an Indian lad about fifteen years old. The boy then ran to the other end of the canoe and assisted Mr. Brush to get into the same. Brush had been knocked down by a blow on the head with the sharp edge of a paddle, which took away a large portion of his scalp. As soon as we were safely in the canoe, the boy gave us the paddles and jumped overboard. Brush and myself paddled the canoe to the opposite bank; but, when we arrived there, neither of us was able to stand; so we rolled out, pulled off our clothes and crawled up the bank into the brush. During this time, there were heard the most dismal screams and the sound of blows; but no Indians followed us. We continued our course south, keeping in the chaparral during the day and traveling the beach at night. After two days, we arrived at Port Orford on the 16th of September, in such a feeble condition that it required two Indians (we found some friendly ones) to assist us to walk."
    Upon T'Vault's arrival at Port Orford, he believed the rest of the party killed, which was not true. Williams and Hedden reached the shore, fighting their way. The former being clinched by a large savage, a desperate struggle ensued, in which the Indian was thrown; and Williams made short work of the brute with his knife; but, while down, another Indian drove an arrow into him, entering the loin and ranging towards the opposite groin. Hedden pulled out the shaft, leaving a three-inch piece, to which the stone arrowhead was attached. Hedden escaped without serious injury, but terribly bruised by the blows of clubs and paddles. The two escaped to the brush, holding the Indians at bay with their rifles, which they managed to retain, and killing two Indians in their retreat. It was not long, however, before the fatal arrowhead began its terrible work, causing intense suffering to Williams; and, on the following day, it was almost impossible for him to move. So great was his agony, that he begged to be permitted to lay down and die. His faithful companion gathered berries for him to eat, carried water in his dilapidated cap for long distances, encouraged him with the hope of escape, and assisted him in walking. On the ninth day after the massacre, they reached the mouth of the Umpqua River, where they fortunately found the brig Fawn, Captain Wood, who sent a boat and conveyed them to Gardiner, seven miles up the river. Williams finally recovered, the arrowhead having been extracted in 1856. After having filled several positions of honor and trust in Douglas County, he died in March, 1881. Cyrus Hedden still lives, an aged and much-respected citizen of Douglas County.
    The four persons mentioned were all who escaped the massacre. The other five, having been killed, were hacked to pieces in such a manner that their bodies could not be identified; and a party of Indians who were hired to purchase the bodies were compelled to cremate them.
    Thus ended the first attempt to establish a road to the mines. Soon after T'Vault's return, a party of twelve inexperienced mountaineers, with one pack animal, attempted to find a trail by the way of the Coquille River. They failed to find the pass from the Coquille to the South Umpqua, and, after suffering many hardships, returned without the loss of a man.
    Notwithstanding the failure to find any communication with the interior, Captain Tichenor and the Port Orford company were, in some manner, able to convince the Indian and War Departments that this was the only point from which negotiations with the Rogue River Indians could be carried on. Accordingly, the Sea Gull, on her departure from Portland on August 29th, took Anson Dart, Superintendent of Indian Affairs, Dr. Spalding, of Walla Walla, and J. L. Parrish, a missionary of the Methodist church, the two latter as interpreters, neither of whom knew a word of the language of the coast Indians, as the latter were entirely unacquainted with the jargon of the northern tribes. They were accompanied by two Indians, who had been captured while boys, and were supposed to be from Port Orford or its vicinity. At Astoria, the Sea Gull took on board, by order of General Hitchcock, then in command of the department, Lieutenant Whyman, of the artillery, thirty men, two mules and one mountain howitzer, with the necessary supplies, all of which were safely landed at Port Orford.
    The best that can be said of the mission of Dart and his interpreters was that it was a miserable failure. None of the party had the courage to meet the Coquille Indians; but they sent two Indian women to beg them to come to Port Orford, which offer the hostile savages respectfully declined. Dart also sent an Indian to request the Rogue River tribes to come to him and make a treaty. Had he known anything about the Indians of Southern Oregon, and the topography of the country, or if he had tried to inform himself, he could have known that the Rogue River Indians were hostile to the coast tribes, and would not undertake a journey through their country, even if disposed to make a treaty, which they were not. Dart and his party returned to Astoria by the steamer Sea Gull in the latter part of September, leaving Samuel Culver as Indian agent.
    Upon the reception of the news at San Francisco of the murder of the T'Vault party, General Hitchcock, then in command of the Department of the Pacific, ordered Lieutenant Colonel Silas Casey, with ninety men, to proceed at once to Port Orford and chastise the murderers. The command consisted of two companies of dragoons, dismounted, under First Lieutenant Stanley, and thirty-six mounted men, with sufficient pack mules, under the command of Lieutenants Stoneman and Wright. The command were all safely landed at Port Orford early in November, and immediately proceeded to execute their orders. Upon their arrival at the south side of the Coquille River, the Indians, who were in full force at their village on the opposite bank, by gesture challenged the soldiers to fight, and fired several volleys from the guns they had captured. A few well-directed shells from the howitzer enabled a part of the command to cross on a raft, when the Indians fled through the brush up the river. Their village and their winter store of provisions were destroyed. The troops pursued them under great difficulties, on account of the rainy weather and the inaccessible nature of the country; but, having procured boats from Port Orford for a part of the force, they finally brought them to bay near the forks of the Coquille. The engagement was short, the Indians soon fleeing to the woods and mountains, leaving fifteen killed and many more wounded. Having burned their lodges and provisions, the troops returned to Port Orford, from which place they took passage on the Columbia and arrived at San Francisco December 12, 1851.
    The year 1851 was also made memorable by the settlement of the Rogue River country, by which is meant that portion of the country drained by this stream and lying between the Coast and Cascade Ranges of mountains. At the time of the raid by Major Kearny, as before related, there were no settlements between the South Umpqua River and Yreka, on the south side of the Siskiyou Mountains, with the exception of the three ferries across Rogue River. During the year 1850, the mines on Scott River and in Yreka flat were discovered, and induced a large immigration of miners. Early in the spring of 1851, a small party of miners, among whom was Dan F. Fisher, at present an old and respected resident of Jackson County, crossed the Siskiyous to the head of Illinois River, and following down that stream discovered, in May, the diggings on what was afterwards called Josephine Creek. Fisher returned to Yreka in the latter part of May for provisions. On his return, about the first of June, he was accompanied by a large number of miners, among whom were Hardy Elliff, John E. Ross, N. C. Dean and many others who afterwards became permanent and leading farmers in different parts of Southern Oregon. The party crossed the mountains by the old Oregon trail, followed the foothills on the south side of Rogue River till they came near the present site of Jacksonville, thence south through where Sterling now stands, thence followed the south fork of the Applegate some distance, when they crossed the mountains to the new diggings. The country over which they traveled has since proved very rich in gold; but, in their haste to reach their destination, they failed to discover it. Josephine Creek proved to be very rich; and, in July, Cañon Creek, a branch of the same stream, was prospected and also found to contain rich gold placers. By this time there were several hundred miners and prospectors in that vicinity.
    Shortly after the so-called treaty of peace made by Governor Gaines was executed, A. A. Skinner, who had been appointed Indian agent, and Chesley Gray, his interpreter, took donation claims in the valley of Bear Creek, not far distant from Table Rock, the headquarters of the Indian chiefs. N. C. Dean quit mining on Josephine Creek, and took his claim at Willow Springs. Other adventurous men, emboldened by the punishment given the Indians by Major Kearny, and by the Gaines treaty, located in the upper end of the valley. The Mountain House, at the foot of the Siskiyou Mountains, was held by Major Barron, John Gibbs and Jas. H. Russell. A few miles below, Patrick Dunn, Thomas Smith and Fred Alberding made their locations under the Donation Act, as did also Samuel Colver, the former Indian agent, at Port Orford [Samuel Colver, the pioneer of Phoenix, was NOT Samuel H. Culver, the Indian agent]; and nearby L. J. C. Duncan, Stone, Poyntz and Lewis also made their homes. In all, there were about fifty [white] persons residing in Jackson County on January 1, 1852.
    In addition to the actual settlers, there was an increasing trade being carried on between the Willamette Valley and Scottsburg, with the miners in Northern California and Josephine County, the most of which was by means of pack trains, the roads or trails being almost impassable for wagons other than the ox teams that had made their way across the plains.
    The immigration of this year added largely to the population of the Umpqua Valley, and was composed of intelligent, manly, self-supporting men, whose names will be found in another volume, and who made their mark on the records of the state. In November of this year, Thomas Smith and Calvin C. Reed erected a saw mill near Winchester, on the North Umpqua River, which was a great boon to the settlers, and which was followed the next season by a grist mill.

    The territorial legislature, at the session of 1851-52, on the 7th of January, 1852, passed an act organizing the county of Douglas, defining its boundaries as follows: Beginning at the mouth of Calapooia Creek, thence following the main fork of said creek to its source, thence due east to the summit of the Cascade Range of mountains, thence due south to the summit of the dividing ridge separating the waters of Rogue River from the waters of the Umpqua, thence westerly along the summit of said ridge to the summit of the Coast Range of mountains separating the waters of Coquille and Coos rivers from the Umpqua, thence northerly along the summit of said Coast Range to a point where the south line of Umpqua County crosses said range, thence due east along the south line of Umpqua County to the place of beginning. The election precincts were established at Reason Reed's, the town of Winchester, the house of Joseph Knott, near the cañon, and at the house of Joseph Roberts, in the South Umpqua Valley. By act of January 17, 1852, the county seat of Douglas County was fixed at the town of Winchester.
    On the 9th of January, an act was passed creating the county of Jackson. The boundaries were described as beginning at the southwest corner of Umpqua County, thence due east to the northwest corner of Douglas County, thence southerly along the western boundary of Douglas County to the southeast corner thereof, thence in a southeasterly direction to the eastern extremity of Rogue River Valley, thence due south to the boundary line between Oregon and California, thence west to the Pacific, thence northerly along the coast to the place of beginning. Election precincts were established at Port Orford, R. P. Daniels' store on Cañon Creek, Long's ferry on Rogue River near the mouth of Applegate Creek, and at Willow Springs in Rogue River Valley.
    The creation of this county and the establishment of voting precincts exhibited a degree of ignorance of its topography, which evidently proves that no member of the legislature had ever been in that section of the country. The district between Port Orford, on the coast, and Cañon Creek, where placers had been recently discovered, was an unknown region; and the miners on Josephine and Cañon creeks had no more knowledge of the existence of a settlement at Port Orford than the settlers of the latter had of the discovery of mines in the interior. The legislators, however, builded better than they knew. The discovery of the mines on Jackson Creek and Rogue River in the same year rendered the creation of a body politic a great boon, as it relieved the miners and settlers from the necessity of executing their own laws.
    The legislature at the same session granted one senator to the counties of Umpqua, Douglas and Jackson, and one representative each to the counties of Douglas and Jackson. It also passed an act uniting Umpqua, Douglas and Jackson counties in one judicial district, the court to be held in Umpqua County on the fourth Mondays of March and September.
    The first election in Douglas County resulted in the selection of E. J. Curtis for the legislature; Solomon Fitzhugh, Probate Judge; Thomas Smith, Wm. T. Perry and John Danford, County Commissioners; Fleming R. Hill, Sheriff; A. R. Flint, Clerk; C. W. Smith. Assessor; and Caleb Grover, Coroner. The total vote was 163. At the election in Jackson County, John R. Hardin was elected Representative; L. A. Rice, Probate Judge; James Clugage, Thomas Smith and Davis Evans, County Commissioners; Columbus Sims, County Clerk; W. W. Fowler, Treasurer; and John Walker, Coroner. Umpqua County elected Addison C. Gibbs to the legislature; while Levi Scott, of Umpqua County, was elected Councilman for the district.
    Although county officers were elected in all the counties, in none of them was the machinery set in motion until the following year. The first court for the southern district was held at the house of Jesse Applegate, at Yoncalla, in Umpqua County, in accordance with the statute, on Monday, March 22, 1852. Hon. O. C. Pratt, Judge; J. W. Perit Huntington, Deputy Marshal; Jesse Applegate, Clerk pro tem. (S. F. Chadwick, the Clerk, being absent); and R. P. Boise, Esq., District Attorney pro tem. Twenty-one grand jurors were empaneled, with Lindsay Applegate as foreman. On the 24th, the grand jury reported that they had no business before them; and, as there was no civil business, the court adjourned.
    The material prosperity of the Umpqua Valley was very much increased during this year. Nearly every valley in the two counties was occupied by one or more settlers, many of whom were accompanied by their families, who had been able to reap a crop the previous harvest. At Winchester, the firm of Martin & Barnes had established a general merchandise store. Fendel Sutherlin advertised flour at fifteen dollars per hundred, and dry goods, etc., at his store on Deer Creek, on the donation claim of William T. Perry. Smith and Reed had erected a flouring mill on the North Umpqua, just above Winchester. Aaron Rose kept a hotel at Roseburg, in a frame building made of split boards; and there were many similar stopping places on the road to the mines, especially at the north and south end of the Umpqua Cañon, Jump-off Joe Creek, Grave Creek and the three ferries on the Rogue River.
    The trade to the gold mines, and the saving in freight thereto from the Umpqua River, led to the establishment of many commercial houses at Scottsburg, the head of navigation. In 1852, the houses that dealt in general merchandise in Upper Scottsburg were: Duncan McTavish; George L. Snelling; Merritt, Oppenheimer & Co.; Wadsworth, Peter & Ladd; R. E. Stratton; Dunlap & Co.; Brown, Dunn & Co , who also owned a pack train conveying supplies to the mines; and Bradbury & Co. Dr. L. S. Thompson opened the pioneer drug store, and also owned a pack train. Hirstel & Co. dealt in tobacco and cigars. Levi, Kent & Co. established a tannery, and David Thompson a harness shop. William Craize kept the hotel. In Lower Scottsburg, engaged in general merchandise, were A. German & Geo. Haynes; Chadwick, Hinsdale & Co.; Allen, McKinlay & Co., who brought the steamer Washington from the Columbia River as a transfer boat to run from the mouth of the river to Scottsburg; Burns & Wood; and Mr. Hogan. J. D. May kept the hotel. The legal profession was well represented by Stephen F. Chadwick, Addison C. Gibbs and Mr. Hartley. Hartley remained but a short time; and the two first mentioned have filled the position of governor of the state of Oregon with credit to the state and themselves. The medical profession was represented by Drs. E. R. Fiske, J. W. Drew, E. P. Drew, L. S. Thompson and Theo. Dagan, all of whom served as surgeons in the Indian war of 1855-56, and also by Dr. Payne and Dr. Daniel Wells.
    In addition to the trade from Scottsburg, pack trains were regularly making trips from the Willamette to the mines, with occasionally a wagon with an ox team. In February, T'Vault & Co. advertised an express to run between Winchester and Shasta Butte City (Yreka), touching at Rogue River, Smith River, Josephine Creek, Klamath and Humbug Creek, every two weeks. Soon after Crouch & McLaine started a similar express from Portland to Shasta and Humbug cities. The legislature had not been unmindful of the necessity of keeping up the communication between the Willamette Valley and the southern portion of the territory, and on February 4, 1852, passed an act for a territorial road from Marysville (Corvallis) to Winchester; and Samuel Stars, George F. Hubert and Addison R. Flint were named as commissioners to locate such road. On January 19, 1852, an act was passed for a similar road from Winchester to the south line of the territory at or near Shasta Butte City (Yreka). The commissioners named were Joseph W. Drew, Samuel Culver and R. P. Daniels. On the 12th of July, N. Coe, Special Agent, advertised for bids for carrying the United States mail from Canyonville, Douglas County, to Yreka, California, one trip in two weeks, but noted that proposals for a weekly service would be considered.
    The principal cause of this commercial activity was the discovery of gold in the Rogue River Valley. In 1851, the miners, coming from the mines at Yreka on their way to Josephine Creek, had discovered gold in several portions of the valley, but not in sufficient quantities to detain them from the richer placers of Illinois River; but in January, 1852, James Clugage and James Poole discovered, in Rich Gulch, where the town of Jacksonville now stands, placers of extraordinary richness. This discovery at once caused a rush of miners to the valley; and as early as February there were about five hundred men prospecting Rich Gulch and Jackson Creek. This number was constantly increased during the year; and further discoveries were made on Rogue River and in different sections of the surrounding country. The climate and soil of the Rogue River Valley, as well as the beauty of the surrounding mountain scenery, offered attractions to the agriculturist that were almost irresistible; and many immigrants, who started for the Willamette Valley by the southern route, left it with regret on account of the hostile character of the Indians. In the fall of 1851, N. C. Dean took up his claim at the Willow Springs, a favorite camping place on the Oregon and California trail. Later, Moses Hopwood settled near A. A. Skinner's place on Bear Creek; Captain Thomas Smith, Patrick Dunn and Fred Alberding settled near the present site of Ashland; while Barron, Russell and Gibbs took up the Mountain House claim at the foot of the Siskiyou Mountains; and several other settlers selected homes in the neighborhood of the first settlers.
    Emboldened by the presence of the large number of miners in the country, a large number of immigrants, several of them having their families, selected donation claims in different parts of the valley during the year 1852. As an evidence of the prosperity of the country, Samuel Culver [Colver?] and T. Thompson, on January 2, 1852, advertised for pasturage for stock for miners and travelers; and on the 15th of June, Dagan & Co. advertised an express, to connect with Adams & Co.'s Express at Portland, with agencies at all the principal towns and camps in the Umpqua, Rogue River and Shasta mines.
    The Indians, suffering from the punishment inflicted by Major Kearny in 1851, were for a time deterred from any act of open hostility; but, after having learned that the treaty made with Governor Gaines was of no binding force and no profit to them, they availed themselves of every opportunity to waylay, rob and murder traveling parties, whenever they could dispose of their bodies in such a manner as to avoid discovery. Many a small party going to the mines from the Willamette Valley or returning thereto were never heard from, whose loss may undoubtedly be attributed to the savages.
    Later in the fall of 1851, a party consisting of Bowen, Moffit and Jones, with an employee named Boney Evans, who were taking a drove of hogs from the Willamette to Yreka, were attacked by the Indians about daybreak in their camp on Wagner Creek, about one-half mile from the present townsite of Talent. Moffit and Evans were wounded; but Bowen escaped and reached a party encamped at the spring near where the Eagle Mill now stands. This party consisted of Joseph Goodwin, Mr. Farmer, each with a wagon and team, Henry Klippel, the Fox brothers and Quiner [Quines?]. When Bowen arrived, they had not yet broken camp; but they immediately rushed to the relief of the party, taking one wagon for the wounded. On their way, they met the balance of the party. Moffit and Evans were placed in the wagon, the hogs were gathered, and the whole party proceeded south on their way to Yreka. The next day Moffit died, and was buried on the Siskiyou Mountain. The murderers were never captured.
    In the spring of 1852, the Indians murdered a white man in Shasta Valley; and about the first of June they became very saucy and menaced the settlers in Rogue River Valley; and suddenly all disappeared from the settlements, a fact which indicated that a crisis was at hand.
    General Jo Lane, who was then the delegate in Congress from Oregon, insisted upon the establishment of a military post in Rogue River Valley, in which demand he was fortified by the report of Major Kearny, heretofore cited, as well as his own experience. At that time, the expense of sending troops overland from San Francisco was excessive; and the temptation to desertion through the mining region was so great that the commanding officer of the department made pretense of obeying his orders by sending troops to Port Orford, where they were quite as efficient for the purpose of controlling the savage warriors of Rogue River Valley as if they had remained at the headquarters at Benicia. The result of this mismanagement is shown by the events that followed. In the early part of July, Geo. H. Ambrose, who had taken a donation claim where Gold Hill station now is, and who was afterwards Indian agent, was so annoyed by the Indians in various ways, that he, with other neighboring settlers, appealed to the miners for protection.
    In response to this petition, John K. Lamerick called for volunteers; and about eighty men immediately responded, and went to Ambrose's on the 16th of July. Shortly thereafter a party from Shasta Valley, under the command of Elijah Steele, arrived in search of two Indian murderers, who were supposed to be secreted by the Rogue River band. A. A. Skinner, the Indian agent, knowing that an outbreak was imminent, strained every nerve to patch up a peace, which the troops gave him every opportunity to do. It was finally decided to have a peace talk with the chiefs and Indians on Big Bar, Lamerick's and Steele's forces to be present. Lamerick's forces moved up to the bar, where they found Steele's men already on the ground. About ten o'clock in the morning, an attempt was made to have a peace talk at the cabin on the bar. Skinner, Martin Angel, Chief Jo and others were endeavoring to get the Indians to the cabin for that purpose, all apparently acting in good faith. John Calvin, one of Steele's men, was also bringing a squad of Indians down the bar towards the cabin. One of these held back and refused to go. Calvin insisted and pushed him forward, when he turned and strung his bow in a menacing manner, at which Calvin shot him. Then the fight began, the Indians being all armed. There was no premeditation on the part of anyone; but, after the firing of Calvin's gun, it was utterly impossible to check it. Chief Jo, Jim and Mary, Jim's wife, the daughter of Jo, were not fifty yards from the place where the firing commenced. They made no attempt to escape, and consequently were not injured nor molested; but, on the contrary, they were protected and taken to a place of safety. Chief Sam led the savages.
    After the fight, a portion of Lamerick's men went down the river to Evans' ferry, where they had a slight skirmish with the Indians. From this place they went to Evans Creek, where they attacked and routed a large Indian camp. The next day James Lackey, with a Klickitat Indian, located the hostiles on the north side of Rogue River, in what was then called "the Horseshoe," formed by two spurs of the lower Table Rock making into the river. It was at once decided to attack them at daylight next morning; and for this purpose it was arranged that Steele's men, with some of the settlers, should pass through the Willow Springs gap, thence east, crossing Rogue River about one mile above the mouth of Bear Creek, at the first ford above Table Rock; and another party was sent over the Blackwell to remain on the north side of the river directly opposite to Sam's camp. Lamerick, with fifty men, crossed the river at midnight near the battle ground of the day before, and moved up the river until he struck Sams Creek. From this point, Lieutenant Humphrey, with twenty-five men, was sent to take a position on the lower Table Rock to cut off the retreat of the Indians in that direction. Lamerick, with the remnant of about twenty-five men, moved up the north side of the river. It was understood that all the separate commands were to be at their appointed place by daylight. Lamerick's command arrived within a mile of Sam's camp fully an hour before daylight, where they dismounted and allowed their horses to graze. While here one of the picket guard fired his gun, which proved to be a false alarm; but at early dawn they were ordered forward. When about six hundred yards from Sam's camp, Lamerick, Lackey and Klippel, who were in advance, met an Indian coming towards them on the trail. Lackey fired at and missed him, when the company rode rapidly forward and took position on a little hill about one hundred and fifty yards in front of Sam's camp. Lamerick's force was on time, as was also the party on the south side of the river, opposite the Indian camp.
    While waiting for the supports to come down the river, and to learn whether Lieutenant Humphrey had succeeded in getting onto the rock, an Indian ran the gantlet and gained the rock, from which point for an hour he could be heard at intervals talking to the Indians below. All at once the Indian decamped, and in a few minutes Humphrey's command appeared on the top of Table Rock. Immediately upon the appearance of Humphrey's forces, the Indians sent out two squaws, who came halfway between their camp and Lamerick's line, and said that Sam wanted two white men to come to him without arms and have a peace talk, or "close wawa." Lamerick refused to entertain the proposition. At this time, some of the Indians made a break to cross the river and get away, but were promptly checked by a volley from the troops on the south side. After waiting two or three hours longer, a detachment of about forty men made their appearance coming down the river. By this time the Indians became frantic in their appeals for a treaty. Lamerick was making preparations to attack; but the late arrivals, who were mostly composed of the farmers, seemed inclined to a treaty, in fact, were strong advocates of peace, claiming that the defenseless condition of their homes would place them at the mercy of the marauding savages. Lamerick, speaking for his company, said to them: "We came here at your earnest request. We have the Indians corralled and demoralized, and, with your help, can destroy them in one hour, which lesson will be the best guarantee of the safety of the valley." After considerable talk, it was finally decided to leave it to a vote as to whether a treaty should be made; and the vote resulted in favor of a treaty, the farmers voting unanimously for it, while Lamerick and his men did not vote.
    In accordance with this decision, a treaty, so called, was made and signed, by which the Rogue River Indians would have no communication with the Shastas, who had been in the habit of stealing horses and property in Shasta Valley, and seeking protection with the Rogue Rivers; that they should expect no more presents from the "Boston Tyee," the President of the United States, unless he wanted to give them (this referred to the demand of the Indians for the breach of the Gaines treaty); that the whites should have the right to settle where they pleased and be secure and protected by their chiefs and counselors in their person and property; that all cattle in the valley belonging to the whites should be safe from molestations from the Indians; that, if any property of any kind or description belonging to the whites was stolen or destroyed by the Indians, and Sam, the chief, did not produce it in a given time, he was to be surrendered to the whites to do with him as they thought fit, even to the taking off of his head. In fact, Sam would have promised anything while Lamerick had him "bottled up," and his life was worth only an hour's purchase.
    The making of this treaty was a very grave mistake. The farmers stated their case in the strongest light, but were unacquainted with the character of the Indians with whom they had to deal. The Rogue River Indians were cunning, treacherous and cruel, and were never known to spare the white man when they had the advantage. Captain Lamerick, with his forces, had completely outgeneraled Sam, the war chief; and he and his warriors were entirely at his mercy. Had the farmers consented to the plans of Captain Lamerick, and had the hostiles been visited with the condign punishment they justly deserved, the supremacy of the whites would have been established, without the aid of government troops; and the wars of 1853 and 1855 would never have occurred.
    Captain Lamerick, on this occasion, proved himself not only a brave soldier, but an officer with sound judgment and a clear head, all of which he maintained in his subsequent conflicts with the Indians. Soon after the peace was made, on July 25th Captain Lamerick and his company were tendered a public dinner at Jacksonville by the citizens of the valley. There were present twenty-two ladies and about one hundred soldiers and citizens. D. M. Kinney, on behalf of the citizens of the valley, tendered thanks to Captain Lamerick and his men for services performed, to which the captain responded in fitting terms. After which the following letter was read by the chairman:
    "Gentlemen: It is with extreme regret that, in consequence of the state of my health and other circumstances beyond my control, I am under the necessity of declining your polite invitation to be present at the public dinner tendered to Captain Lamerick and his company of volunteers, who, by their energy, perseverance and gallantry, have so speedily and successfully terminated the hostilities in which we were recently engaged with the warlike and wily savages of this valley. And though I cannot be present, permit me through you to assure Captain Lamerick, and his brave companions in arms, of my sympathy with patriotism and valor wherever exhibited. And allow me to propose the following sentiment: 'The citizens and miners of Rogue River Valley: Quick to discover and prompt to repel danger: Worthy descendants of the heroes and patriots of '76.'
    "Very respectfully,
"Messrs. Fowler, Kinney and Miller, Com."
    After many other toasts had been responded to, the dinner closed with an original ditty, composed and sung by Esquire W. H. Appler, which will be remembered by the pioneers present as long as they live. Space will not permit its publication; but the favorite verse began with the line "Table Rock is a pretty elevation," while the chorus was, "Rise, rise, ye Oregons, rise."
    The loss of the Indians in the campaign was thirty warriors killed. On the side of the whites, James Lackey was slightly, and a Klickitat Indian seriously, wounded. The effect was to establish the supremacy of the whites, and to secure the safety of settlers and travelers for one year at least. It is not creditable to the United States government that the expense of Lamerick's and Steele's commands, amounting to several thousand dollars, was never paid.
    The facts of this campaign, and the endorsement of the Indian agent, have been thus particularly described, for the reason that some writers, entirely ignorant of the situation, have grossly misrepresented the pioneers of Southern Oregon, and especially those of the Rogue River Valley. Some have gone so far as to represent the majority of them as desperadoes, whose chief delight was in the slaughter of the Indians, regardless of age or sex. The exercise of a little common sense would show the absurdity of such a charge. The settlers were devoted to improving their claims and providing homes for their families, while the miners were engaged in a very lucrative occupation, in which a competency could be secured only by unremitted labor and attention. It is true that they were brave and gallant, as only such had the hardihood to endure the perils and hardships to be encountered to reach this "Promised Land." Many of these pioneers are still living, most of whom are the leading citizens of Oregon, Washington and California. It is also true that whenever danger threatened any portion of the new community, all were ready to rush to its defense, without regard to personal danger or pecuniary loss.
    On these too-frequent occasions, there were men who, by their military ability and penetrating knowledge of Indian character, were quickly recognized as leaders. Among these were General Jo Lane, Colonel John E. Ross, Captain J. K. Lamerick, Captain Ben Wright and several others whose names will subsequently appear. These men gave their services neither for glory nor money, but to secure to their beloved country the benefits of a Christian civilization. In regard to the charge that the Indians were murdered for recreation, it is only necessary to say that only those who never met these treacherous and implacable savages upon the warpath have given that designation to subduing the Indians.
    Certain humanitarians contend that, as the Indians were deprived of their lands, they had a right to defend their property. The Congress of the United States, by act of September 27, 1850, commonly known as the "Donation Act," gave to any settler in Oregon, who would reside upon and cultivate the same, a certain quantity of land. It was not the fault of the settler that his title was not perfect; but it was a crying shame that the general government neglected to protect the settlers, whom by so large a bounty it had induced to build up a state. Not only did the government fail to provide troops for their protection, but has since failed to repay to the settlers the expense of defending themselves. The protection of the immigrants over the southern route, through the Piute and Modoc tribes of Indians, in what is known as the Lake country, had heretofore devolved upon the people of the Willamette Valley; but the settlement of Jackson County imposed upon the citizens of that section the duty of protecting the incoming immigration of this year. The people of Jackson County were in perfect accord with those on the south side of the Siskiyou Mountains, as their interests were identical.
    In the summer of 1852, a letter was received at Yreka from one of the incoming immigrants, stating that great suffering would ensue unless the train was supplied with provisions. Immediately upon the receipt of this information, a supply train was fitted out by the citizens of Yreka and committed to a company commanded by Charles McDermit, who at once proceeded to Lost River, at the point where the trail from Yreka met the Applegate trail to Southern Oregon. After passing Tule Lake, the company met a party of immigrants with a pack train bound for Yreka. Captain McDermit, having seen no hostile Indians on his way, simply gave instructions as to the route, and proceeded to relieve the wagon trains. When the packers reached a narrow pass on the north side of Tule Lake, since named Bloody Point, they fell into an ambuscade of the Modoc Indians; and all were killed except a man by the name of Coffin, who cut the pack off a horse, and, mounting it, succeeded in reaching Yreka, where he gave the alarm. Ben Wright was sent for at once, and quickly organized a company of about thirty men, well supplied with horses, arms and provisions, who lost no time in proceeding to the scene of the massacre.
    The news of the slaughter of the pack train party was received in Jacksonville in the evening; and the next morning a company of thirty men, under the command of Captain John E. Ross, left for the protection of the immigrants. Captain McDermit, entirely ignorant of the events taking place behind him, continued to advance, meeting the first wagon train at Black Rock, with which he sent three men to show the route and select camping places. Upon reaching the scene of the late murder, the three guides rode without suspicion into the same ambuscade, and were killed. The men of the train, which had been delayed by accident, hearing the firing, made a barricade of their wagons, and kept the Indians at bay until the arrival of Ben Wright and his company. Wright, upon seeing the situation, suddenly charged upon the Indians, who fled and attempted to reach their boats, but were intercepted by the volunteers, who, riding through the tules, killed them without mercy. The number of Indians killed was about forty. Captain Ross, with his company, arrived soon after; and several days were spent in a search for the bodies of the murdered immigrants. Twenty-two bodies were found and buried by Wright's company. Captain Ross buried fourteen, among whom were several women and children, all of whom had been mutilated beyond recognition. Captain Ross advanced to meet the immigrants, and detailed a guard for each train until it was beyond danger, the company returning home with the last of the immigration. Captain Wright, with a part of his command, returned to Yreka for supplies, being determined to inflict signal punishment upon the treacherous murderers.
    Major Fitzgerald, with a company of U.S. dragoons, who had been ordered to assist in the punishment of the Indians, rendered signal service, not only in protecting the immigrants, but in forcing the Indians to take refuge upon an island in Tule Lake. After the immigrant trains had all passed, the major returned to his quarters at Fort Jones, near Yreka. When Wright returned with supplies to his camp on Lost River, he was fully prepared to meet the savages with their own tactics. He had with him, and devoted to his service, two Indians named Charley and Enos. He had also secured the services of five Shastas, who were at war with the Modocs, and a Modoc squaw named Mary, who had been sent into Yreka as a spy, but who forgot her allegiance to her tribe. Upon reaching his camp on Lost River, Captain Wright secured a boat to keep guard over the island, while the Shastas, under the direction of Mary, found and destroyed all their winter store of provisions, which were cached near the borders of the lake. When their winter supplies were gone, this being about the first of November, 1852, the Modocs, for the first time, offered to make peace. Wright accepted their offer, and invited them to come to his camp for a feast. About fifty warriors, with their squaws, accepted the invitation, which they could not well refuse, as they were on the border of starvation. At this time, Lost River was very low, while above the river bottom was a terrace, upon which Wright's company bivouacked. Upon the river bottom the Indians set their lodges; and it was on this grassy plain that the whites cooked and feasted with the Indians, both parties leaving their arms in camp.
    It was Wright's object to obtain the valuables stolen from the murdered immigrants, and also to secure the chiefs, Schonchin and Curley-headed Doctor, as hostages for peace in the future; but Schonchin was too wily a rascal to be caught in this way. He, while pretending to consider the matter, formed a plan to surprise and slaughter the whites. Wright, having been informed of this treachery through his Indians, sent six of his men across Lost River to prevent the retreat of the Indians in that direction, and then attacked them as they were scattered around their camp fires. None of the Indians escaped except the chiefs, Schonchin and Curley-headed Doctor, who were supposed to have left before the attack was made. Wright had nineteen men, including the two Indians. He had three men severely wounded, Isaac Sandbanch, Poland and Brown. The loss of the Indians was forty-seven warriors. Captain Wright has been accused of treachery and violation of the laws of civilized warfare; but no apology is necessary for the men who had lately buried the mutilated bodies of murdered helpless women and children; and the taking of an adequate revenge upon these implacable savages was a lesson deserved and imperative. Upon their return to Yreka, Captain Wright and his company were received with honors which they richly deserved.
    Upon the coast, the new settlement at Port Orford did not meet with the success its founders anticipated, which chiefly depended upon finding a road or a trail directly to the mines. Attempts were made by Lieutenants Stoneman and Williamson, of the U.S. Engineers, during this year, to find such a route; but they only succeeded in reaching the Big Bend of Rogue River, from which point it was reported that a good road could be found "through the broad and handsome valleys of Rogue River." The fact is, that from this point to the old Oregon and California wagon road, the valley of the river is a succession of almost inaccessible mountains. Colonel T'Vault reported in February that Grave Creek, which is a tributary of Rogue River, emptied into the Coquille, thus affording an easy grade to Vannoy's ferry, within a distance of ninety miles. The topography of this rugged country was at that time entirely unknown to the whites; and it was not until 1856 that a feasible route from the bend by the way of the valley of Illinois River was accidentally discovered by Captain A. J. Smith, too late to be of any commercial advantage to Port Orford.
    An additional drawback to the success of the venture was the loss of Captain Tichenor's steamer Sea Gull on the 26th of February, 1852, in Humboldt Bay, all the passengers being saved. The regular mail steamers from San Francisco to Portland refused to stop at Port Orford, as they were not pecuniarily interested in the townsite, which added much to the difficulty of carrying on trade at that point. Captain Tichenor, with his wife and family, arrived and settled on his donation claim on the 9th day of May. On the 2nd of January, 1852, the three-masted government schooner Captain Lincoln left San Francisco with troops and provisions for Port Orford. She is reported to have sprung a leak shortly after leaving port; and, after repeated attempts to reach Port Orford, the captain was compelled to run her ashore eighteen miles south of the mouth of the Umpqua. Fortunately, no lives were lost; and the cargo was all saved in a damaged condition. Lieutenant Stanton, who was in command of the troops, camped upon the beach at the scene of the wreck, detailed a party to seek a trail to Port Orford; but it soon returned with the report that such a route was impracticable, on account of the steep and rugged hills that flanked the coast, while the truth was that there was an almost level wagon road from the camp to Port Orford, the only obstruction being in the crossing of the rivers. On the 18th of May, the schooner Nassau took the cargo of the Captain Lincoln to San Francisco, whence the detachment reached Port Orford without difficulty. During the stay of Lieutenant Stanton on the coast near Coos River, he had several difficulties with the Indians, which he promptly suppressed by punishing several of the ringleaders, one of whom escaped with the irons on him and was never heard from.
    While Port Orford was under a cloud, the seaports on the Umpqua River were rapidly increasing their trade, especially the town of Scottsburg, by reason not only of the increase of settlers in the counties of Umpqua and Douglas, but by the discovery of the new mines in Jackson County. There is one incident that occurred on the river that is worthy to be recorded, as it goes to contradict the saying, "of the federal officers, few die and none resign." On the 21st of December, 1852, Collins Wilson, Collector of Customs at the mouth of the Umpqua, tendered his resignation to Secretary Corwin, by whom he had been appointed. The surprise occasioned by such action is somewhat lessened by the reasons he gave therefor. In his letter he says that he had to do his own cooking and washing, cut his own firewood, and board vessels by himself; that he had lived alone for months, with no one within six miles of him; and, besides which, he had received no pay. His resignation was accepted. A. C. Gibbs was appointed his successor; and the office was removed to more hospitable quarters at Gardiner.
    The winter of 1852 was a very severe one, not probably as severe as the winter of 1850, but certainly the worst that had been experienced since white men had settled in Southern Oregon. The mountains of California, north of Redding, were so blockaded by snow as to prevent the passage of pack trains to the mines in Northern California. The people of Jackson County were dependent entirely upon the supplies brought from the Willamette or Scottsburg; and, when the unexpected storm came upon them, the supply of provisions was entirely inadequate. Snow fell at Jacksonville to the depth of three feet, and lay upon the ground for more than four weeks; while, for a long time after the snow disappeared, high water offered an equal obstruction to travel. During this time, the citizens and miners suffered severely. The supply of flour was soon exhausted; and many persons lived on "beans straight" for the whole period. Salt was also extremely scarce, and was issued only to the sick, in about the same quantities that the physician gives quinine to his patients in malarious countries. Starving cattle, horses and mules were killed for the relief of the suffering people. The first relief was furnished by B. F. Dowell, who brought into Jacksonville a pack train loaded with flour, after surmounting obstacles that few had the hardihood to undertake. The people of the Umpqua Valley were better provided with wheat and flour. The storm was not so severe in that section; and their principal suffering was caused by the increased prices of the necessaries of life.     With the opening of the spring of 1853, the prospect for the future of Southern Oregon was very encouraging. Settlers had occupied nearly all the valleys in the three counties, and were prepared to put in crops, while the placer mining in Jackson County, as well as in Northern California, yielded large returns. The trade of Scottsburg consequently rapidly increased. On March 29th, the Pacific Mail steamship Fremont entered the Umpqua River, bringing one hundred and fifty tons of freight; and on the same day the schooner Fawn brought two hundred tons. The Fremont was billed for semimonthly trips.
    At the June election in 1853, the vote was as follows: Jackson County: Total vote, 1191. Representatives, George H. Ambrose, John F. Miller, Chauncey Nye; Probate Judge, Thomas McF. Patton; County Commissioners, Martin Angel, B. B. Griffin and John Gibbs; County Auditor, C. S. Drew; Sheriff, William Galley; County Treasurer, Dr. E. H. Cleveland. Douglas County: Total vote, 306. Representative, Wm. J. Martin; Probate Judge, Sol. Fitzhugh; County Commissioner, Sam B. Hadley; Sheriff, Elijah Perry; Assessor, H. Iles; Coroner, R. P. Daniels; Prosecuting Attorney, Columbus Sims. Umpqua County: Total vote, 223. Representative, Dr. L. S. Thompson; County Commissioners, Wm. H. Wilson and Ebenezer Stephens; Probate Judge, Isaac N. Hall; Sheriff, J. A. Knowles; Treasurer, W. W. Wells; Auditor, Jos. L. Gilbert.
    The second term of the U.S. District Court was held at Scottsburg on July 29th, Judge M. P. Deady presiding. Mr. Deady had recently been appointed District Judge by President Pierce, and had been assigned to the Southern Oregon District. This was his first term. The occasion was made remarkable from the fact that the first case of homicide in the district was tried at that time--the case of The Territory vs. Joseph Knott. The tragedy occurred at Winchester, upon election day, and produced intense excitement throughout the thinly settled community. There was even talk of lynching the accused; but this was promptly suppressed by the better class of citizens and the efforts of Sheriff F. R. Hill, who was a brother of the victim. The territory was ably represented by C. Sims, Prosecuting Attorney, B. F. Harding, United States Attorney, and George K. Sheil. On the part of the defense appeared ex-Judge O. C. Pratt, R. E. Stratton, A. C. Gibbs and S. F. Chadwick. The trial resulted in a verdict of acquittal of the defendant. This case proves more strongly than any other circumstance that even at this early day the people of Southern Oregon were a law-abiding people.
    The trade from Scottsburg and the Willamette Valley with the mines in Jackson County and Siskiyou, which was principally carried on by pack trains, was very profitable during the early part of the summer, and was still further encouraged by the fact that Major B. Alvord was at the time engaged in locating a United States military wagon road from Myrtle Creek to Camp Stuart, in the Rogue River Valley, upon the completion of which it was confidently expected that the wagon train would supersede the present expensive mode of conveyance. The Indians, since the fight at Big Bar, had been very quiet, with the exception of the Grave Creek band, under the command of Chief Taylor. Early in June, it was ascertained that a party of seven men, who were engaged in mining on Rogue River near the mouth of Galice Creek, had mysteriously disappeared. Chief Taylor volunteered the evidence that they had been drowned in the winter's flood; but, as Taylor was found in possession of their gold dust, he and several of his band were arrested by Captain Bates and a company of miners, were duly tried and convicted of murder, and were accordingly executed. Before their execution, the Indians made a full confession of their guilt, and boasted of the manner in which they had tortured their victims. Bates and his company made a war of extermination upon this band, but were only partially successful. The survivors concealed themselves in the mountain fastnesses, from which they could watch the trail, and often murdered and robbed a lone prospector, while they dared not attack a party of three or four. Early in the summer, two miners were killed on Cow Creek and their cabin robbed, probably by these renegades.
    Aside from the trouble with the Grave Creek band, which was not formidable, no difficulty was anticipated with the tribes in the Rogue River Valley, who had up to this time professed the greatest friendship for the whites. In fact, they had so ingratiated themselves with the miners and settlers that the latter willingly traded their arms and ammunition for venison, for which they had no time to hunt. In all this, the treachery of the bloodthirsty savages was fully disclosed. Having provided themselves with what they deemed a sufficient supply of military stores, their conduct suddenly changed; and from being friendly and subservient, they became sullen and arrogant. Tipsu, the chief of the tribe at the foot of the Siskiyou Mountains, with whom the settlers had made a treaty in the previous year, insisted that they must leave his country; and, as it subsequently appeared, the Klamath, Shasta and Rogue River Indians had already formed a league for the extermination of the whites. The settlers in the upper part of the valley, fearing trouble, were making a hasty organization, when they were anticipated by a general outbreak of the Indians. But few men in the country were prepared for such an attack; and a large majority were without arms or ammunition. The first notice the settlers had of the outbreak was the murder, on the 4th of August, of a farmer named Richard Edwards, who resided about five miles from Jacksonville. The Indians had entered his cabin in his absence; and, upon his return, he was shot with his own gun through the spine, after which his head was nearly severed from his body with an ax, and an attempt made to cut his throat with a dull knife.
    Upon the return of the coroner's jury from the scene of the murder, a meeting of the citizens was held at the Robinson House in Jacksonville; and the work of organizing military companies was at once begun. On the day of the murder of Edwards, several haystacks were burned in different parts of the valley, a yoke of oxen belonging to Mr. Miller were killed near Jacksonville, and the house of William Kahler entered and rifled of its contents. On the following morning, the cabin of Mr. Davis was broken open and robbed; and in the evening, Mr. Davis and Burrel B. Griffin were fired upon by the Indians and both wounded by arrows, the former in the thigh and the latter in the shoulder. About nine o'clock on the night of the same day, a report of a gun was heard in Jacksonville, accompanied by a cry of "murder." Several of the citizens armed themselves and rushed to the rescue. Upon arriving at the spot, Thomas J. Wells, a merchant of Jacksonville, was found shot through the lower part of the body, and died shortly after. A strong guard was established around the town to prevent surprise. On the next day, Rhodes Nolan, who had been acting as one of the town guards, was shot and killed as he was entering his cabin on Jackson Creek. The citizens, who had been preparing for a skirmish, upon receiving intelligence of his murder, immediately started for the scene, and soon returned with a captured chief, who was quickly mustered to an oak tree; and during the day three others were hung beside him.
    On the night of the 5th, W. K. Ish and Mr. Davis were sent to Fort Jones for assistance; and to their appeal Captain Alden and the people of Yreka and vicinity quickly responded. At the same time, August 6th, the settlers in the upper part of the valley went to interview the band commanded by Tipsu. Upon their arrival at the camp, they were met by a volley from the Indians; and a brisk skirmish ensued, in which Andrew J. Carter and Patrick Dunn were wounded, the former having his right arm broken below the elbow, and the latter receiving a gunshot wound in the shoulder. The loss of the Indians was never clearly ascertained; but it is known that five were killed and several wounded. The whites captured the women and children of the rancheria, and took them to the farms of Alberding and Dunn as hostages, they having erected a stockade to prevent an assault. The situation of the women and children of the settlers upon the outbreak was really deplorable. Their husbands were all needed for the public defense; and their little accumulations, together with the heirlooms they had brought across the plains, had to be abandoned to the mercy of the savages. Many of the families came to Jacksonville. Those on the lower Rogue River congregated at T'Vault's (Fort Dardanelles), N. C. Dean's, Willow Springs, Martin Angel's, and in the upper part of the valley at Jacob Wagner's. All of these places were fortified and well guarded.
    Captain J. K. Lamerick, with a company of forty men, was stationed at Willow Springs. On the 7th, several of the company, about a dozen in number, went to Jacksonville, and towards evening started to return to camp. John R. Hardin, late representative of Jackson County, Dr. Rose and another were riding by themselves, while T'Vault and the rest of the party had taken another road. About a mile from camp, the three were fired upon by Indians in ambush. Dr. Rose was instantly killed, and Hardin shot through the hips by a rifle ball; but the third man was not wounded. Hardin kept his horse until the rest of the party, who heard the firing, came up, and lived eleven hours, suffering the most intense agony. The party came in for help, and upon their return found Dr. Rose's body stripped, his throat cut in two places, one eye gouged out and his person horribly disfigured. He had about six hundred dollars, which with his horse was stolen. As soon as any dwelling was left unprotected, it was burned, and its inmates, if any, murdered. During the first week of the outbreak, ten houses were burned between Jacksonville and Fort Dardanelles.
    The promptness with which the residents volunteered is deserving of great praise. In Jackson County alone, six companies were raised at once. They were respectively commanded by Captains J. K. Lamerick, John F. Miller, R. L. Williams, E. A. Owens and W. W. Fowler. The latter's company was raised especially for the protection of the women and children who had taken refuge in Jacksonville. The muster rolls of these gallant soldiers will be published in another volume of this history.
    The appeal to Captain Alden, of Fort Jones, and the people of Yreka and Scott's Valley, was very promptly responded to. Captain Alden immediately left Fort Jones with ten men, all who were available at the post at that time, bringing fifty muskets and a supply of cartridges. Captain Jas. P. Goodall, of Yreka, with a company of ninety men, and Captain Jacob Rhodes, from Humbug Creek, with a company of sixty, followed very shortly after.
    The Board of County Commissioners of Jackson County acted as a Committee of Safety, and on the 14th of August directed a communication to the Governor of Oregon, of which the following is a copy:
    "At a meeting of the Board of Commissioners, I am instructed to inform you that war exists between us and the Indians of this valley, who are, as we are informed, in league with the Indians of Klamath Lake, Snake River, and with the Shasta Indians, for the purpose, as they affirm, of the extermination of the whites of Rogue River Valley. They have already killed and wounded several of our citizens, killed our cattle and destroyed our dwellings. Captain B. R. Alden, Fourth U.S. Infantry, from Fort Jones, Scott's Valley, with a small detachment, is here by request. He has enrolled two companies of volunteers, and, in obedience to the wish of our citizens, taken the command. We would request your Excellency to procure from Fort Vancouver one small howitzer, together with some small arms, and enroll a sufficient number of men to guard them through. (Signed) Geo. Darr, Secretary Board of Commissioners. Edward Sheil, President." On the back of this letter was the following endorsement: "I consider it very requisite that a howitzer, with ammunition, fifty muskets and some three thousand rounds of ammunition, be sent to the valley. B. R. Alden, Captain Fourth Infantry."
    This communication was forwarded by Mr. S. Ettlinger, who made the trip to Salem, on horseback, in four days. Mr. Ettlinger was accompanied to the house of General Lane, near Winchester, by I. B. Nichols and James Clugage, who carried to the general an urgent appeal for his presence and help. The general received the message at one o'clock in the morning of the 17th; and before noon he proceeded to the seat of war, and on his journey secured many volunteers, who were his old friends, and who had confidence in his military ability. As the general had just been elected a delegate to Congress, and was at the time of receiving news of the outbreak preparing for his journey to Washington, it was not remarkable that the gallant men who accompanied him esteemed him for his love of his adopted state, as well as his self-sacrifice. The result of Mr. Ettlinger's mission was very successful. Governor Curry issued a requisition, through General Palmer, Superintendent of Indian Affairs, upon Colonel Bonneville, in command of the United States garrison at Vancouver, which was very promptly responded to; and, as an instance of the lack of red tape, it is proper to copy his letter:
    "Sir: Lieutenant Colonel Bonneville has this moment received your communication of yesterday, requesting that a howitzer, and a sufficient force to work it, may be sent to the seat of the Indian difficulties. He desires me to inform your Excellency that he has already sent a howitzer with its caisson, containing a good supply of ammunition, under charge of an officer and six men. The men are acquainted with the artillery drill, and are very competent to work the howitzer. Lieutenant Kautz has charge of the party, and will expect a volunteer force to escort him to the seat of difficulties.
"Hon. Geo. L. Curry,
    "Acting Gov. of Oregon."
    The request for an escort was promptly responded to. Under the proclamation of Governor Curry, a company of forty men at once enlisted, of which the officers were: J. W. Nesmith, Captain; L. F. Grover, First Lieutenant; Wm. K. Beale, Second Lieutenant; Dr. J. C. McCurdy, Surgeon; J. M. Crooks, Orderly Sergeant. These men did gallant service, as will hereafter appear.
    In the meantime, the citizens of Rogue River Valley were left to defend themselves. About a week after Dunn and Carter, with their party, had captured the women and children of Tipsu's band, Sambo, a son of Tipsu, came with his warriors, numbering about fifteen, into their camp and surrendered. They were received in good faith and provided for. Several families were at this station at this time, including those of Fred Heber, Asa Fordyce, Samuel Grubbe, Isaac Hill and Robert Wright, besides a number of single men. The Indians were not watched, full credit being given to their professions of friendship. On the morning of the 17th, they made an attack upon their protectors, instantly killing Hugh Smith, and wounding John Gibbs, Wm. Hodgkins, Brice Whitmore, Morris Howell and B. Morris, and then made their escape. Gibbs died soon after at the stockade at Wagner's, where the whites moved for protection. Hodgkins expired while being moved to Jacksonville, and Whitmore a few days after reaching the hospital at that place.
    The first business of the volunteers was to ascertain the locality of the main body of the Indians. Scouting parties soon found that their stronghold was their position of the year before, near Table Rock, to which they had added fortifications with considerable skill. They numbered at least three hundred warriors, commanded by Joe, Sam, Jim and several other minor chiefs; and all were defiant and aggressive, pledging themselves to a war of extermination. The tribes of Chiefs John and Elijah were known to be somewhere on Applegate Creek, to the south and west of Jacksonville, and therefore very dangerous to the safety of the town, if an advance was made to Table Rock, which was nearly north. To ascertain the force of these Indians, and to drive them from their position, if possible. Lieutenant B. B. Griffin, of Company A, and Captain J. F. Miller, with a detachment of twenty-five men, were ordered to march on the morning of June 10th. The Lieutenant proceeded to Sterling Creek, where he destroyed the rancheria of Chief Elijah after a slight skirmish, in which Sergeant George Anderson was wounded in the hip. Following down Sterling Creek the next day to the main Applegate, a short distance above the mouth of Williams Creek, an Indian trail was struck, which was vigorously followed up Williams Creek until about a mile from its mouth, when the attacking party was suddenly ambushed by the Indians under Chief John. At the first fire, Private Francis Garnett was killed. The company made a gallant fight for some time, but being greatly overmatched, and the Indians being concealed, they were compelled to retreat, leaving the field to their enemies. Lieutenant Griffin was shot through the leg by a rifle ball. The Indian loss was afterwards reported as being five killed and wounded.
    Upon the arrival in the valley of Captain Alden with his few regulars, and the California volunteers under Captains Goodall and Rhodes, the Oregon volunteers, by order of Colonel Ross, united with them; and all were encamped on Bear Creek, which was called Camp Stuart. At the unanimous request of the volunteers. Captain Alden assumed command of the forces, which numbered about three hundred men. It had already been ascertained that the Indians had abandoned their position on the south of Table Rock and taken another, five or six miles north of the rock, in a cañon of dense brush. About the 15th of August, the forces proceeded to give them battle. Captain Hardy Elliff, with his command, was ordered to their rear to bring on an engagement, when the main force was to charge them in front. When the troops arrived on the ground, the Indians were nowhere to be found, having moved their camp several days before.
    First Lieutenant Ely, of Captain Goodall's company, with a picked company of twenty-two men, was sent in search of the Indian camp, while the main force returned to Camp Stuart for the purpose of obtaining supplies to pursue the Indians into the mountains. On the morning of the 17th, Lieutenant Ely discovered the Indians about ten miles north of their last camp, upon the right-hand fork of Evans Creek. He immediately fell back to an open prairie interspersed with small washed gullies bordered with willows, sent two men to headquarters announcing the situation, and determined to hold his position with his twenty men until the arrival of the main body. In the meantime the Indians, availing themselves of the shelter of the gullies and brush, crawled up and commenced an attack at a distance of thirty yards, killing two men at the first fire. Lieutenant Ely immediately withdrew his men a distance of two hundred and fifty yards to a ridge covered with pine trees, with a prairie in front, but elevated ground in the rear. In this position the Indians flanked and surrounded them. In this position this gallant little band fought, without flinching, an overwhelming number of Indians for three hours and a half, when John D. Cosby, with five men, the advance of Goodall's company, arrived on the ground. On seeing the reinforcement, the Indians precipitately fled, carrying off eighteen horses and mules, with their caparisons, blankets and camp equipage. The loss in Ely's command was: killed, J. Shane, P. Keath, Sergeant Frank Perry, A. Douglass, A. C. Colburn and L. Stockling; wounded, First Lieutenant Ely shot through the wrist, John Albin, James Carrol and Zebulon Shutz, all slightly. The entire force again returned to Camp Stuart to care for the wounded and to obtain supplies.
    On Sunday morning, August 21st, General Jo Lane, with his friends, arrived in camp, when Captain Alden at once tendered him the command. Governor Curry had already appointed General Lane Brigadier General of the volunteers; but the General was much in advance of his commission. The General promptly accepted the position; and the next morning at sunrise the whole force was en route. The battalion under the command of Colonel Ross, consisting of the companies of Captains Miller and Lamerick, with the Umpqua volunteers, were ordered to go down Rogue River to the mouth of Evans Creek, thence up Evans Creek until they found the Indian camp, which they were to attack at once. If they failed to find the enemy, they were to proceed until they met the other battalion under the command of Captain Alden. The events of this short campaign cannot be better represented than by the dispatch of General Lane to Brigadier General Hitchcock, then in command of the Department of the Pacific:
    "On the 17th of August, I received information, at my residence in Umpqua Valley, that the Rogue River Indians, assisted by the Klamaths, Shastas, and with the bands living on Applegate and Grave creeks, had united and attacked the settlements in the Rogue River Valley near Jacksonville; that a number of persons had been killed, a large amount of stock killed or driven off, houses and grain burned; and that companies were being formed for the defense of the settlements, and for the purpose of a general war upon the Indians. I promptly notified the citizens of the neighborhood, and advised with Major Alvord, who was then present engaged in the location of the road from Myrtle Creek to Camp Stuart, and immediately proceeded, accompanied by Captain Armstrong, James Clugage, I. B. Nichols and some ten others, to the scene of hostilities. On the 21st, I arrived at the headquarters of our forces on Stuart Creek, where I found Captain Alden, Fourth Infantry, who had promptly, upon the first information being received by him at Fort Jones, on Scott River, repaired to Jacksonville with ten men of his command, all who were fit for duty, and forthwith proceeded to take energetic measures for an active and effective campaign, by appointing four commissioners of military affairs, and mustering into service all the volunteers for whom arms could be procured. His force on my arrival consisted of companies under Captains Goodall, Miller, Lamerick and Rhodes, commanded by Colonel John Ross, the whole under the command of Colonel Alden. These troops had been actively engaged in scouring the country in all directions, and had succeeded in driving the main body of the Indians to their strongholds in the mountains. Pack trains were being collected in view of an extended pursuit of the Indians; and all other preparations were being made with the utmost dispatch.
    "At the request of Colonel Alden and the troops, I assumed the command of the forces, and on the 22nd, at four o'clock a.m., left camp for the mountains, having divided the command into two battalions, in order better to scour the whole country. One battalion, composed of Captains Miller and Lamerick's companies, under the command of Colonel Ross, were directed to proceed up Evans Creek, which empties into the Rogue River from the north, and continue on, if no traces of the Indians were found, until the two detachments should meet at a point designated, but, if the trail was found, to follow it and bring the Indians to battle. At the head of the other battalion, composed of Captains Goodall's and Rhodes' companies, commanded by Colonel Alden, I proceeded by the way of Table Rock, in the direction of the point designated on Evans Creek. After advancing about fifteen miles beyond Table Rock, I discovered the trail of the Indians, and encamped upon it.
    "I took up the line of march early next morning, and followed the trail with great difficulty, the Indians having used every precaution to conceal it. The country was exceedingly mountainous, and almost impassable for animals; and as the Indians had fired the country behind them, the falling of the burning timber and the heat delayed our progress, while the dense smoke prevented us from ascertaining with certainty the face of the country. About noon we came to the place at which they had encamped a few nights before, by the side of a stream in a dense forest. Here they had killed a mule and a horse they had captured in a battle some days previous, and used them for provisions. From this point, we had more difficulty in finding the trail, it having been carefully concealed, and the mountains lately fired; but, after some delay, we again struck it. Late in the evening, we came to the main fork of Evans Creek, now called Battle Creek, where we came to a spot at which the Indians had again encamped. Beyond this, all trace of the Indians seemed to be lost; and, after searching in vain for the trail until dark, we were forced to encamp. The valley was very narrow, and almost entirely covered with an impenetrable thicket of vine maple, leaving scarcely room for the men to lie down on the bank of the creek. The animals were closely tied to the bushes, there being no grass or forage of any kind.
    "The command was ready to move at daylight. A party on foot early discovered the trail; and, after cutting out the brush for nearly a quarter of a mile, we succeeded in reaching it with the animals. About a mile farther up we crossed Battle Creek, and ascended a high, steep mountain which forms the dividing ridge of the numerous branches running into the Rogue River. This part of the country had not been fired. About nine o'clock a.m., we arrived at another Indian camp on the ridge, at a spring very difficult of access, on the side of a mountain. On leaving this camp, we found that the woods had been recently fired, which induced me to believe that the Indians were not far in advance of us. About a half mile from the spring, as I was riding slowly in front, I heard the crack of a rifle in the direction of the enemy. I proceeded to a point commanding the rapid descent of the trail from the mountain, and, halting, could hear persons talking in their camp about four hundred yards distant, in a dense forest thick with underbrush, which entirely obstructed the view. As the troops came up, they were ordered in a low voice to dismount, tie their animals and prepare for battle.
    "Colonel Alden, at the head of Captain Goodall's company, was directed to proceed on the trail, and attack the enemy in front, while a portion of Captain Rhodes' company was directed to follow a ridge running to the left of their trail, and turn their flank. Colonel Alden proceeded to engage them in the most gallant manner, his well-directed fire being the first intimation of our approach. It being found impracticable to turn their flank, Captain Rhodes at once engaged them on their right. The men were deployed, taking cover behind the trees; and the fight became general. I was delayed a few minutes on the hill, for the arrival of the rear guard. These were dismounted, and, all except fifteen men, I immediately led into action. On arriving on the ground, I found Colonel Alden, who had been shot down early in the fight, dangerously wounded, in the arms of his faithful sergeant, and surrounded by a few of his own men. The battle was now raging with great fierceness, our men coolly pouring in their fire, unshaken by the hideous yells and war whoops of the Indians, or by their rapid and more destructive fire.
    "After examining the ground, and finding the enemy were securely posted behind trees and logs and concealed by underbrush, and that it was impossible to reach them except when they carelessly exposed their persons in their anxiety to get a shot at our men, I determined to charge them. I passed the order, led forward in the movement, and, when within thirty yards of their position, received a wound from a rifle ball, which struck my right arm near the shoulder joint, and, passing entirely through, came out near the point of the shoulder. Believing at the time that the shot came from the flank, I ordered our line to be extended, to prevent the enemy from turning our flank, and the men again to take cover behind trees. This position was held for three or four hours, during which time I talked frequently with the officers and men, and found them cool, and determined on conquering the enemy. Finding myself weak from loss of blood, I retired to the rear, to have my wound examined and dressed. While here the Indians cried out to our men, many of whom understood their language, that they wished for a talk; that they desired to fight no longer; that they were frightened and desired peace. Mr. Tyler was dispatched by Captain Goodall to inform me of the desire of the Indians to cease firing and make peace. By this time, Robert Metcalfe and James Bruce had been sent into their lines to talk, and, having informed them that I was in command, they expressed a great desire to see me.
    "Finding that they were much superior in numbers, being about two hundred warriors, well armed with rifles and muskets, well supplied with ammunition, and knowing that they could fight as long as they saw fit and then safely retreat into a country exceedingly difficult of access, and being desirous of examining their position, I concluded to go among them. On entering their lines, I met their principal chief, Joe, and the subordinate chiefs, Sam and Jim, who told me their hearts were sick of war, and that they would meet me at Table Rock in seven days, when they would give up their arms, make a treaty and place themselves under our protection. The preliminaries having been arranged, the command returned to the place where they had been dismounted, the dead were buried and the wounded cared for.
    "By this time Colonel Ross, with his battalion, arrived, having followed our trail for some distance. This gallant command were anxious to renew the attack upon the Indians, who still remained in their position; but as the negotiations had proceeded so far, I could not consent. That night was spent within four hundred yards of the Indians; and good faith was observed on both sides. At the dawn of day, I discovered that the Indians were moving, and sent to stop them until a further talk was held. Accompanied by Colonel Ross and other officers, I went among them, and became satisfied that they would faithfully observe the agreements already made. By the advice of the surgeon, we remained that day and night upon the battleground, and then returned to Table Rock.
    "Too much praise cannot be awarded to Colonel Alden. The country is greatly indebted to him for the rapid organization of the forces, when it was utterly without defense. His gallantry is sufficiently attested by his being dangerously wounded while charging at the head of his command, almost in the enemy's lines. Captains Goodall and Rhodes, with their companies, distinguished themselves from the beginning to the end of the action for their cool and determined bravery; no troops could have done better. The command of Colonel Ross, under Captains Miller and Lamerick, although too late to participate in the action, made a severe march through the mountains, and arrived on the ground one day sooner than I expected them. Their presence was of great assistance to us. Our loss in the battle was three killed: Pleasant Armstrong, John Scarborough and Isaac Bradley, and five badly wounded: Colonel Alden, myself, and privates Charles C. Abbe (since dead), Henry Flesher and Thomas Hays. The Indians lost eight killed and twenty wounded, seven of whom we know to have since died.
    "Soon after my return from the mountains. Captain A. J. Smith, First Dragoons, arrived at camp with his troops from Port Orford. His arrival was most opportune. His presence during the negotiations for a peace was of great assistance, while his troop served to overawe the Indians.
    "The governor of the territory, upon the first information being received by him, ordered out a company under Captain Nesmith, and sent them as an escort for a large quantity of arms and ammunition which were procured from Fort Vancouver. Captain Nesmith arrived after the negotiations had been commenced, but was of great service to me from his intimate knowledge of the Indians and their language. Lieutenant Kautz, Fourth Infantry, accompanied Captain Nesmith, and had in charge a twelve-pound howitzer and caisson, which he brought safely into camp, although the road is a very difficult one and seldom traveled by wagons. A commission as brigadier general, from the governor of Oregon, reached me a few days after I had assumed command at Captain Alden's request. A treaty of peace has been made with the Indians; and I have no doubt that with proper care it can be maintained. The tribe is a very large one, and to a great extent controls the tribes in this part of the country; and a peace with them is a peace with all. This, in my opinion, can only be perfectly secured by the presence of a considerable military force in the Rogue River Valley without delay.
    "To Robert Metcalfe, who acted for me as scout and guide, I am indebted for the faithful discharge of his duty. John D. Cosby, James Bruce and George W. Tyler did good service in the same capacity. On the expedition to the mountains, from the 22nd to the 26th, W. G. T'Vault, Esq., acted as my volunteer aide. At that time, Captain C. Sims joined the command, and handsomely performed the duties of assistant adjutant general until compelled by sickness to resign on the 29th. Since that time, Captain Mosher, late of the Fourth Ohio Volunteers, has performed the duties of that office. Doctor Ed. Sheil, George Dart, Richard Dugan and L. A. Davis, the Commissioners appointed by Colonel Alden, were most active in the performance of their duties, and kept the command supplied with provisions, transportation and necessaries for carrying on the war. Major Chas. S. Drew, Assistant Quartermaster, with his assistants, performed their duties with promptness and accuracy. Dr. E. H. Cleveland, Surgeon General, and his assistants, were unremitting in their attention to the sick and wounded.
    "I have the honor to be, etc.,
    The troops upon their return went into camp at Bybee's ferry, near Table Rock, which was named Camp Alden, in honor of the gallant officer who had been so severely wounded, the headquarters being established in a small log cabin without floor or door. The quarters were not pretentious, but were in full accord with the command, which was entirely without tents, which they did not need, especially as they had plenty of commissary stores, the want of which had been very much felt during the campaign in the mountains.
    On the 1st of September, a pleasant episode occurred at the camp. A deputation from Yreka brought two flags wrought by the women of that place, to be presented to the companies of Captains Goodall and Rhodes for their gallant conduct. The ceremony of presentation took place at headquarters. The troops were paraded, when Dr. Gatliff, the leader of the deputation, delivered the flags to General Lane for presentation. The general, in the performance of this duty, gave great praise to these companies for their conduct in action, explained the situation, and warned all the troops to be guilty of no act of treachery pending the negotiations. General Alvord, U.S. Army, being present, was introduced by General Lane and made some very happy and appropriate remarks.
    The next day, Captain A. J. Smith, First U.S. Dragoons, with one company of his regiment, arrived at Camp Alden from Port Orford. For making this journey, Captain Smith, now General A. J. Smith, on the retired list, has never been given proper credit. From the time of the unfortunate exploration of Mr. T'Vault, several expeditions had been fitted out at Port Orford, some of which were under the charge of the engineers of the United States Army, for the purpose of finding a trail to the Rogue River Valley, none of which had been successful. When Captain Smith received his marching orders, he left immediately, and proceeded to the north side of Rogue River at Big Bend. Finding no practicable trail on the north side of the river, he crossed to the south side, intending to follow the first stream that entered Rogue River from the south. The country being all on fire, the smoke was so dense that it was impossible to discover the topography of the country; and the Captain missed the mouth of the Illinois River, and entered a cañon from which it took him three days to extricate himself. Upon getting out, he ascended the dividing ridge between the Illinois and Rogue Rivers, and struck Rogue River at Vannoy's ferry without the loss of a man or a horse.
    On the fourth of September, Lieutenant L. F. Grover, with a portion of Captain Nesmith's company as an escort for the ammunition, arrived in camp, accompanied by General Palmer, Superintendent of Indian Affairs, S. H. Culver, Indian Agent, and Judge Deady, of the U.S. District Court.
    On Saturday, September 3rd, Joe and Sam, the principal chiefs, and Mary, the wife of Jim, came to headquarters to hold a talk with General Lane, in which the preliminaries of the treaty were concluded. There were present at the council Major Alvord, Captain Smith, U.S. Army, Colonel John E. Ross, Captain Mosher, Captains Miller, Goodall, Rhodes, Martin and Applegate. On the next day, Sunday, General Lane, accompanied by Captain Smith and his company of dragoons, with the party recently arrived, visited Joe's camp, some six miles distant, for the purpose of concluding the treaty; but, as all the warriors were not yet assembled, three days more were allowed; and Chief Joe was informed that, if at that time he was not ready to treat, hostilities would recommence. On the 9th, Lieutenant Kautz, with the howitzer, arrived in camp, as well as Captain Nesmith, whose influence was quite as effective as the "big gun." On the morning of the 10th, the parties met according to the previous agreement, which was that only ten unarmed whites should be present. The Indian chiefs were to be there, with their arms and their warriors within convenient distance to support them, while Captain Smith's company of dragoons should remain at the foot of the hill nearly half a mile away. Captain Nesmith, who of course was invited, not only from his rank, but as an interpreter, objected to trusting himself to the treachery of the savages, as did many of the others; but they went all the same. This incident has been so vividly described by Captain Nesmith, in a communication to the Oregon pioneers at their reunion in 1879, as to be worthy of being reproduced here:
    "Early in the morning of the 10th of September, 1853, we mounted our horses and set out for the Indian encampment. Our party consisted of the following named persons: General Jos. Lane, Joel Palmer, Superintendent of Indian Affairs, Saml. H. Culver, Indian Agent, Captain A. J. Smith, First Dragoons, Captain L. F. Mosher, Adjutant, Colonel John E. Ross, Captain J. W. Nesmith, Lieutenant A. V. Kautz, R. B. Metcalfe, J. D. Mason, T. T. Tierney. After riding a couple of miles across the level valley, we came to the foot of the mountain, where it was too steep for horses to ascend. We dismounted and hitched our horses, and scrambled up for half a mile over huge rocks and through brush, when we found ourselves in the Indian stronghold, just under the perpendicular cliff of Table Rock, surrounded by seven hundred fierce and hostile savages, arrayed in all their gorgeous war paint and feathers.
    "Captain Smith had drawn out his company of dragoons, and left them in line on the plain below. It was a bright, beautiful morning; and the Rogue River Valley lay like a panorama at our feet. The exact line of dragoons, sitting statuelike upon their horses, with their white belts and burnished scabbards and carbines, looked like they were engraven upon a picture; while a few paces in our rear the huge, perpendicular wall of Table Rock towered frowningly many hundred feet above us.
    "The business of the treaty commenced at once. Long speeches were made by General Lane and Superintendent Palmer, which had to be translated twice. When an Indian spoke the Rogue River tongue, it was translated by an Indian interpreter into Chinook, or jargon, to me, when I translated it into English. When Lane or Palmer spoke, the process was reversed, I giving the speech to the interpreter in Chinook and he translating it to the Indians in their own tongue. This double translation of long speeches made the labor tedious; and it was not until late in the afternoon that the treaty was completed and signed.
    "In the meantime, an episode occurred which came near terminating the treaty, as well as the representation of one of the 'high contracting' parties, in a sudden and tragic manner. About the middle of the afternoon, a young Indian came running into camp stark naked, with the perspiration streaming from every pore. He made a brief harangue and threw himself upon the ground apparently exhausted. His speech had created a great tumult among his tribe. General Lane told me to inquire of the Indian interpreter the cause of the commotion. The Indian responded that a company of white men down on Applegate Creek, under the command of Captain Owens, had that morning captured an Indian known as Jim Taylor, tied him to a tree and shot him to death. The hubbub and confusion among the Indians at once became intense, and murder glared from each savage visage. The Indian interpreter told me that the Indians were threatening to tie us up to trees and serve us as Owens' men had served Jim Taylor. I saw some Indians gathering up lasso ropes, while others drew the skin covers from their guns and the wiping sticks from the muzzles. There appeared to be a strong probability of our party being subjected to a sudden volley. I explained as briefly as I could what the interpreter had communicated to me; and, in order to keep our people from huddling together and thus make a better target for the savages, I used a few English words not likely to be understood by the Indian interpreter, such as 'disperse' and 'segregate.' In fact, we kept so close to the savages and separated from one another, that any general firing must have been nearly as fatal to the Indians as to the whites. While I admit I thought my time had come, and hurriedly thought of wife and children, I noticed nothing but coolness among my companions. General Lane sat upon a log with his arm bandaged in a sling, the lines about his mouth rigidly compressing his lips, while his eyes flashed fire. He asked brief questions and gave me sententious answers to what little the Indians said to us. Captain A. J. Smith, who was prematurely gray-haired, and was affected with a nervous snapping of the eyes, leaned upon his cavalry saber and looked anxiously down upon his well-formed line of dragoons in the valley below. His eyes snapped more vigorously than usual, while muttered words escaped from under the old dragoon's white mustache that did not sound like prayers. His squadron looked beautiful, but alas! they could render us no service. I sat down on a log close to old Chief Joe, and having a sharp hunting knife under my undershirt, kept one hand near its handle, determined that there would be one Indian made 'good' about the time the firing commenced.
    "In a few moments, General Lane stood up and commenced to speak slowly, but very distinctly. He said: 'Owens, who has violated the armistice and has killed Jim Taylor, is a bad man. He is not one of my soldiers. When I catch him he shall be punished. I promised in good faith to come into your camp with ten other unarmed men to secure peace. Myself and men are placed in your power. I do not believe that you are such cowardly dogs as to take advantage of our unarmed condition. I know that you have the power to murder us, and can do so as quickly as you please; but what good will our blood do you? Our murder will exasperate our friends, and your tribe will be hunted from the face of the earth. Let us proceed with the treaty, and, in place of war, have a lasting peace.' Much more was said in this strain by the General, all rather defiant, but nothing of a begging character. The excitement gradually subsided after Lane had promised to give a fair compensation for the defunct Jim Taylor, in shirts and blankets.
    "The treaty of the 10th of September, 1853, was completed and signed, and peace restored for the next two years. Our party wended their way among the rocks down to where our horses were tied, and mounted. Old A. J. Smith galloped up to his squadron and gave a brief order. The bugle sounded a note or two, and the squadron wheeled and trolled off to camp. As General Lane and party rode back across the valley, we looked up and saw the rays of the setting sun gilding the summit of Table Rock. I drew a long breath and remarked to the old general that the next time he wanted to go unarmed into a hostile camp, he must hunt up someone besides myself to act as an interpreter. With a benignant smile he responded, 'God bless you, luck is better than science.' I never hear the fate of General Canby, at the Modoc camp, referred to, that I do not think of our narrow escape of a similar fate at Table Rock."
    By the treaty of the 10th of September, the Rogue River Indians ceded to the United States a large amount of territory to which they had no title, and over which they had no control, except the right of the robber to collect toll from the passing immigrants. The cession was bounded as follows: "Commencing on the south side of Rogue River, one mile below the mouth of Applegate Creek, thence southerly to the highlands dividing the waters of Applegate and Althouse creeks, thence along said highlands to the summit of the Siskiyou Mountains, thence easterly to Pilot Rock, thence northeasterly to the summit of the Cascade Range of mountains to Pitt's Peak, continuing northeasterly to Rogue River, thence westerly to the headwaters of Jump-off Joe Creek, thence down said creek to the intersection of the same with a line due north from the place of beginning, thence to the place of beginning." The consideration for this grant was sixty thousand dollars, from which was to be deducted the sum of fifteen thousand dollars for damages to the settlers, according to the preliminary treaty made by General Lane on the 3rd of September. The balance due the Indians was to be paid on the installment plan, in blankets, agricultural implements, clothing and such other goods as might be deemed proper by the Indian agent, which an old mountaineer described as "chips and whetstones." It was further agreed that the treaty Indians should be allowed to occupy temporarily, as a reserve, the land bounded as follows: "Commencing at the mouth of Evans Creek on the north side of Rogue River, thence up said creek to the upper end of a small prairie bearing in a northwesterly direction from Upper Table Rock, thence through the gap to the south side of the cliff of said mountain, thence in a line to Rogue River, striking the southern base of Lower Table Rock, thence down said river to the place of beginning." It was also agreed that the peace thus made should not be violated by the misconduct of individuals of either party, but that any violations of the treaty should be referred to the Indian agent for settlement; that all Indians guilty of any offense should be delivered by the chiefs to the civil authorities for punishment; that the chiefs would guarantee a safe conduct to any white person desiring to cross the temporary reservation. They also surrendered all their guns, except fourteen rifles and ammunition for hunting purposes.
    The armistice which followed the negotiations for peace, while generally respected, was on several occasions violated by irresponsible whites and renegade Indians, but chiefly by the latter. On the 4th of September, a house was burnt within one mile and a half of Jacksonville, with ten tons of hay and oats. Several houses were burned on Applegate Creek; and in that vicinity a Spanish pack train was attacked, three of the muleteers wounded and two of the mules with their cargoes captured. Dan Raymond's house on Cow Creek was burned, and all his property destroyed. On the 5th of September, Captain Owens made a treacherous raid upon a party of Taylor's band of Indians at Grave Creek, which came near producing a catastrophe at the making of the treaty. During the armistice, an attempt was made to prevent the consummation of the treaty by those who advocated the total extermination of the Indians. It is needless to say that those who advocated this course had not met the Indians on the battlefield. On September 8th, General Lane issued an order to Captains Terry and Owens to proceed at once to the ranch recently burned by the Indians, follow their band till they found them, and bring them to battle. Failing to obey this order, these valiant Indian exterminators were immediately discharged from the service, and were heard of no more. The other companies of the command were honorably discharged, with a high compliment to their bravery and good conduct.
    Captain John F. Miller, however, was ordered with forty men of his company to proceed without delay to the Southern Oregon trail for the purpose of protecting the incoming immigration. He was given unlimited discretion in the treatment of the Indians. This service Captain Miller performed with credit to himself and the soldiers under his command. The immigration was large, and well-provided with cattle, horses and mules; but their oxen were poor, they were short of provisions, and the Indians were hostile and very bold. Captain Miller saw their signal fires along the whole route, and made several unsuccessful raids upon them; but they fled at the approach of the troops.
    On September 29th, he surprised a camp of Modocs at Bloody Point, killing one and wounding several others. He made his headquarters at this place, and sent First Lieutenant Abel George, with twenty men, along the trail to the east. Lieutenant George proceeded to the foot of the Sierra Nevada Mountains where, on the third of October, he met a train of immigrants beyond Deep Cañon, one hundred miles east of Bloody Point, whose train he guarded, as the members of it were completely worn out. Just before daylight in the morning they were attacked by the Indians, who were trying to steal the stock of the train. The Indians were repulsed with the loss of two killed and many others wounded, while the whites had two wounded, Joseph Wate, of Missouri, shot in the side of the head by an arrow, and private Wm. Duke, shot through the breast and arm by a bullet. The immigration came through with comparatively little loss and suffering, but this, judged by the present standard, was such as could never have been endured by men and women in their station in life. A portion of the new settlers went to California, but a large part of them settled in the Rogue River Valley, where they and their descendants have built up one of the most prosperous and intelligent communities in the state.
    After the treaty was made, there was still one element of danger that threatened the much-desired peace. Chief Tipsu, who claimed to own the upper end of Rogue River Valley, well known to be a dangerous and treacherous enemy, had not joined in the treaty, and gave out that he would not be bound by its provisions. General Lane, before his return to his home in October, wishing to leave nothing undone to secure peace to the valley, went to Tipsu's camp accompanied only by R. B. Metcalfe and James Bruce, and made an agreement with him by which the rights of the settlers should be respected. This was an extremely dangerous venture; and no one but General Lane could have returned uninjured from such an interview.
    The treaty Indians were located upon the Table Rock reservation, while on the south side of the river Captain A. J. Smith with his dragoons erected a two-company military post built with logs, within easy reach of the reservation, which was properly named Fort Lane. S. H. Culver, who was appointed agent of the Southern Indians, made his headquarters at the fort. This post was abandoned after the removal of the Indians in 1856, and has long since fallen to decay; but it has the distinction of being the school in which many prominent soldiers had their first experience in warfare after leaving the academy at West Point. Among them were General George Crook, General H. B. Gibson, General N. B. Sweitzer, General John B. Hood, of the Confederate army, and several others of lesser fame; but the pride of the post was Dr. Charles H. Crane, late Surgeon General U.S. Army, who, although a noncombatant, proved himself as gallant a soldier as the best of them.
    Congress at the solicitation of General Lane, who was the delegate from Oregon, paid the expenses of the war and assumed the payment of the loss suffered by the settlers, which was to be computed by a commission. The commission when organized consisted of Hon. L. F. Grover, A. C. Gibbs and George H. Ambrose. The award of the commission, after a full examination, was about forty-six thousand dollars, of which only about thirty-three percent was ever paid.
    The business of Jackson County, although very much impeded by Indian hostilities, went steadily forward. The first term of the district court was held in Jacksonville, on the 5th of September, by Judge M. P. Deady. Several civil cases were tried, and some indictments found by the grand jury, which under the circumstances could not be tried at that term. The court sat only a few days; and all the accessories were of a very primitive character. Before the war broke out, the settlers on the farming lands had sown considerable wheat, the yield of which was so extravagantly large that the newcomers could scarcely realize it. In 1852, Dugan & Co. established an express from the Willamette to the Sacramento Valley, which proved very valuable property, as there was no mail communication at that time. The headquarters were at Jacksonville. Late in the year the business was transferred to Cram, Rogers & Co. and was finally absorbed by Wells, Fargo & Co. The express business was then in its infancy. In the early part of 1853, the miners did remarkably well. Water was plentiful, and the mines recently opened proved extravagantly rich. The business of the merchants rapidly increased, so that the business of the express company became a very important matter. It seems almost incredible at this time to say that all this treasure was during the most dangerous portion of the year carried daily between Yreka and Jacksonville upon horseback, with relays at convenient stations, by two young men, who, when they left their several offices, in addition to the treasure, took their lives in their hands. They were fortunate then and have been ever since. One of them was Stephen D. Brastow, of Wells, Fargo & Co., and the other C. C. Beekman, the banker of Jacksonville, Oregon.
    During this year Major Alvord, U.S. Army, made a reconnaissance, in order to determine the line of the military road from Myrtle Creek to Rogue River. Assisted by Jesse Applegate, he examined these different routes, one east of the Umpqua Cañon, one following Cow Creek and the Cañon itself. The route through the Umpqua Cañon was finally adopted; and the contract for building the road was let to Jesse Roberts for the distance through the Umpqua Cañon, and to Lindsay Applegate for the portion through the Grave Creek Hills. The road was to be completed by June, 1854; and the work was duly performed with the money available from the appropriation by Congress--fifteen thousand dollars.
    The first term of the district court for the county of Douglas was held at Winchester, on the 19th of September, 1853, Judge M. P. Deady presiding. L. F. Grover, Esq., appeared as United States district attorney and S. F. Chadwick, Esq., prosecuting attorney pro tem. There were eight civil cases on the calendar, and the grand jury found two bills of indictment; but, as none of the cases were ready for trial, the term of the court lasted but three days. During the fall of this year, ten wagons, loaded with immigrants, who had made the overland trip by the southern route, came through the cañon; and their owners made their homes in the Umpqua Valley. As an evidence of the increasing prosperity of Douglas County, it may be stated that in the fall of 1853, in addition to other stock, a band of one thousand head of mutton sheep was driven to the mines of Southern Oregon.
    After the execution of the treaty with the Rogue River Indians at Table Rock, the settlers of Jackson County relied upon peace being maintained, although, as has been related, there had been several violations of the armistice previous thereto. They were consequently much alarmed to hear that on the night of the 7th of October, about 10 o'clock, James Kyle, a merchant of Jacksonville and a partner of Wills, who was murdered near Jacksonville at the commencement of the war, had been shot by two Indians, who were traced to the reservation. Captain Smith, in command of Fort Lane, and Mr. Culver, the Indian agent, took prompt measures to secure the delivery of the murderers. This was a difficult matter, as one of them was a relative of Chief Joe, and both were popular with the young Indians of the reservation. The object was finally accomplished; and the two, George and Tom, were given up on the 12th of October, as well as Indian Thompson, the murderer of Edwards. They were tried at Jacksonville by Judge McFadden, at the February term, 1854, of the district court, found guilty, and hanged a few days after. Mr. Kyle died on the 13th of October. The surrender of these Indians did much to restore confidence in the good faith of the Rogue River chiefs.
    The Indians living on the Illinois River owed their allegiance to Chief John. Although desperate fighters, they were intimidated by the large number of miners then in that section of the country, did not join in the war, and took no part in the treaty; but they amused themselves by stealing stock and whatever else they could safely get away with. About the 12th of September, 1853, they attacked two miners, Tedford and Rouse, several miles below Deer Creek bar. Rouse was cut in the face, and Tedford was shot in the left arm, shattering the bone. The miners were alone at the time, but were speedily found by the neighboring miners and taken to a place of safety. Tedford died within a week. About the middle of October, Alex. Watts and a number of others mining at the mouth of Deer Creek, which is a branch of Illinois River, having lost over twenty horses and mules, demanded them from this band of Indians. The Indians replied that the stock had strayed down the Illinois River and that they could come and get them. Accordingly Watts and some twelve men started down the Indian trail to recover them. Arriving at a small prairie where they were grazing, they commenced herding the stock, when they discovered that the Indians were attempting to cut off their retreat. They immediately charged through them and reached the trail in safety, Alex. Watts being shot in the leg. A few days after, Mr. Culver, the Indian agent, having been informed of the difficulty, left Fort Lane with a detachment of dragoons under Lieutenant Radford, to punish the Indians and recover the stock. Upon arriving upon the ground, it was found that more force and provisions were necessary. In response to his request, Lieutenant Castor arrived with a reinforcement. The further account of the movement is taken from the official report of the Indian agent: "On the 23rd of October we started into the mountains, and on the 24th, at noon, we came to where my guides wanted us to stop, that they might explore a little. These two Indian guides belonged to Chief Joe's people. In a short time, the guides returned and said they were satisfied the Indians were below on the creek. Lieutenant Radford left a guard with the horses and went down the mountain with the command on foot. The guides took us down so as not to be observed. The men jumped into the water, were across the river and upon them so quickly that they were completely surprised. The Indians made three different stands, though they were short. After the word 'forward' was given the dragoons never stopped, but rushed upon them and chased them until they reached the mountains. From eight to fifteen Indians were killed. It was impossible to tell how many, because the Indians carried off all the killed and wounded they could. There were twenty soldiers in the fight, and we had two men wounded. Just after we had commenced our return, we were fired upon from the bushes. Sergeant Day was killed and private King wounded."
    The command returned to Fort Lane in safety. A few weeks after this attack, the miners about the mouth of Deer Creek, under the command of Mike Bushey, made another attempt to recover the stolen property. The party was composed of thirty miners, who proceeded by the trail to the Indian rancheria. Upon their arrival, the Indians were very hostile, and in one engagement William Hunter was shot three times with bullets, but finally escaped without serious injury. Captain Bushey and Alex. Watts, however, finally succeeded in patching up a peace which was fairly observed until 1855.
    The coast section of Oregon south of the Umpqua River was rapidly developed during the year 1853, of which little was known in the interior for the reason that all communication which the settlers of the coast had with the outside world was by sea directly with San Francisco, from which port they received all their supplies. The new settlements were therefore more colonies of California than an integral portion of the territory of Oregon. The military post at Port Orford was of little advantage towards the settlement of the country; but the discovery of gold mines near that place in the summer of 1853 secured a rush of miners, and brought the locality into prominent notice. The first news of this discovery was obtained through a San Francisco newspaper, which stated that about fifty miners were making from seventy to seventy-five dollars per day to the hand near Port Orford. The mines were on the beach, and extended nearly thirty miles above and below Port Orford.
    Similar deposits were found above and below the mouth of Rogue River, which was properly named Gold Beach. About the same time, two half-breed Indians discovered the placers at the mouth of Whiskey Run, a small creek which empties into the ocean about five miles north of the Coquille River. After working them a short time, they sold them to the MacNamara brothers, it is said, for twenty thousand dollars. It was estimated that more than one hundred thousand dollars was taken from this one claim. The rumor of these rich mines having got abroad, thousands of miners flocked to them, and began prospecting along the coast from Trinidad in California to the Umpqua River. Along the beach near Whiskey Run, not less than a thousand men were congregated. A town sprang up at once, containing stores, lodging houses, saloons, restaurants, tents and cabins in large numbers, which was named Randolph. The beach mining during this season was very profitable, but as soon as the season of high tides, which accompany the rainy season, set in, the work had to stop.
    While the gold-mining excitement was at its height, another movement was being made much more quietly, but which proved to be of incalculable value to the people of the coast, and the source of their present prosperity. Perry G. Marple, who was an enthusiast, had been a preacher, and what, in our present vernacular would be designated as a "crank," conceived the idea of exploring the mouth of Coos River, and establishing a colony there. At that time, the merchants, miners and settlers of Jackson County were anxious to find a seaport through which they could receive their supplies at a less expense than by the way of Scottsburg or Portland. Marple, in carrying his idea into execution, took a party, in the winter of 1852, to the mouth of the Umpqua, and, having procured two Indian guides, followed the coast until they arrived on Coos Bay, where Empire City now stands. Having ascertained that the entrance to the harbor was practicable, that the timber was of a fine quality, almost inexhaustible, and that coal was to be found, he returned to Jackson County to organize a colony. In this he was successful. The original members of the Coos Bay Company were: Rolin S. Belknap, James C. Tolman, Elizabeth E. Tolman, Mary Tolman, Freedman G. Lockhart, Esther M. Lockhart, Ella Lockhart, Lillias M. Lockhart, Vestal W. Coffin, Esther J. Coffin, Emma Coffin, Vestal W. Coffin, Jr., Solomon Bowermaster, Jos. H. McVay, James A. J. McVay, Wm. H. Harris, Chas. W. Johnson, Wm. H. Jackson, Perry G. Marple, Andrew B. Overbeck, A. P. de Cuis, Charles Pearcey, Matthias M. Learn, Curtis Noble, Henry A. Stark, Chas. H. Haskill, David Rohrer, Jesse Roberts and Sigismund Ettlinger. Perry G. Marple was President, and James C. Tolman Secretary. The pioneers of the company came to the Umpqua Valley, and found a convenient trail by the way of Looking Glass and Camas Valley to the middle fork of the Coquille, thence to the ocean. From the mouth of the Coquille, they proceeded up the beach to Coos Bay. W. H. Harris took his donation claim on the south side of the bay, about five miles from the bar, the site of Empire City. Lockhart took a claim at North Bend, Curtis Noble the Coos City claim, J. C. Tolman the Marshfield site; and the others took the most available claims in the vicinity.
    The company, as originally formed, was on the Fourier system of a community of interest. In December, 1853, the company, by their president and secretary, sent to General Lane a draft of a bill which they wished Congress to pass. The fourth section directed the Surveyor General of Oregon to survey all the claims then taken, nineteen in number, giving the names of the claimants, and issue the certificates for patents to the Coos Bay Company. The bill further provided for a division of stock and dividends, the duration to be twenty years. It is needless to say that the bill was never presented. The settlers held their donation claims as all other citizens of Oregon, and laid the foundation of one of the most prosperous communities in Southern Oregon.
    Induced thereto by the rapid settlement of the country, the legislature of 1853-54, on December 22nd, passed an act creating the county of Coos, and defining its boundaries as: "Beginning at a point on the ocean eight miles south of the Umpqua River; thence southeast to the dividing ridge between the waters of the Umpqua, and Coos and Coquille rivers; thence along the summit of the divide to the southwest corner of Douglas County; thence south to the source of the south fork of the Coquille; thence south to the forty-second parallel; thence west to the Pacific Ocean; thence north to the place of beginning."
    The first vessel that entered Coos Bay was a small schooner bound for the Umpqua, which entered there by mistake in 1852, and remained several weeks, hunting for the settlements and terrified by the Indians, until P. Flanagan and Pilot Smith, learning their condition from the Indians at the Umpqua, piloted them out, and into their destination. The first vessel to bring a cargo to the bay was the Cynosure, a sailing vessel, commanded by Captain Whippy, which arrived in 1853, soon after the opening of the Randolph mines. The commerce and development of this section will be fully shown later.

    This year was one of universal prosperity and progress in Southern Oregon. The winter of 1853-54 was very mild, the farmers were enabled to keep their plows running during the whole winter, the mining interests were prospering, all fear of Indian difficulties was allayed, and the rapid development of the country seemed assured. In the fall of 1853, Judge M. P. Deady, who had been assigned to the southern district, was, by a singular mistake, removed, and O. B. McFadden, of Pennsylvania, appointed in his stead. This change was very distasteful to the people of the district, who, without distinction of party, united in a vigorous protest against it. Judge Deady was, however, reinstated in January, 1854, and McFadden appointed District Judge of Washington Territory.
    In the early part of the year 1854, a vigorous movement was made in Southern Oregon and Northern California for the creation of a new territory, to contain that portion of Oregon south of the Calapooia Mountains, and all that portion of California north of Redding Springs. The matter had been much discussed; but the first call for a convention was issued by the Mountain Herald, of Yreka, California, on December 30, 1853. In pursuance of that call, a large number of the citizens of Jackson County convened at the Robinson House, in Jacksonville, on January 7, 1854, to consider the propriety of, and to devise means for, organizing the new territory. Sam Culver [Colver?] was chosen President, and T. McPatton, Secretary. A committee of five was appointed to draft a memorial to the Legislative Assembly of Oregon, and to select ten delegates to the general convention to be held in Jacksonville, Oregon, on January 25, 1854. The committee on memorial consisted of Dr. Jesse Robinson, W. W. Fowler, L. F. Mosher, T. McF. Patton and S. C. Graves. The committee reported a memorial, which was unanimously adopted. A full delegation was selected for the general convention. This convention assembled at the Robinson House, in Jacksonville, Oregon, on January 25, 1854. The delegates present were: From Siskiyou County, California, Elijah Steele, C. N. Thornburg, E. J. Carter, H. G. Farris, E. Moore, O. Wheelock and J. Darrough; from Jackson County, Oregon, L. F. Mosher, Richard Dugan, John E. Ross, C. Sims, T. McF. Patton, Saml. Culver [Colver?], D. M. Kenney, Chas. S. Drew, Martin Angel and Jesse Robinson; from Coos County, Oregon, S. Ettlinger and Anthony Lettleys; from Umpqua County, Oregon, George L. Snelling. Committees were appointed to memorialize Congress, the Legislature of the State of California and the Legislative Assembly of Oregon, after which the convention adjourned to meet at Jacksonville on the 17th of April following. The delegate to Congress from Oregon, General Lane, was opposed to the project; but the chief cause of its failure was that a large majority of the people of California, and all their representatives in Congress, were violently opposed to it.
    The Legislative Assembly of the Territory of Oregon, at its session in 1853-54, seemed to be very much alive to its interests. A bill was passed submitting the question of the formation of a state constitution to a vote of the people, which was defeated. They also passed an act incorporating a railroad company to build a railroad from Portland to the California line, by the way of the west side of the Willamette River; but, unfortunately, this project did not materialize. Among their local acts was one submitting to the voters of Douglas County the selection of the county seat. There was much excitement created on this subject. Aaron Rose, who held a donation claim at the mouth of Deer Creek, offered three acres of land and a contribution of one thousand dollars towards the erection of the courthouse, whereby he secured the prize, the vote for Deer Creek being 265, for Winchester ninety, and for Looking Glass twenty-five. A townsite was laid out and named Roseburg, which is now one of the most thriving cities in Southern Oregon. The raising of wheat led, of course, to the erection of flouring mills; and we find, in 1854, five of them in Southern Oregon, one at Oakland, one at Winchester, one at Deer Creek and two on Bear Creek, in Jackson County.
    The increased business of the country demanded additional mail facilities, which the general government granted in a very niggardly manner; but the United States postal agent, J. C. Avery, managed so to change the schedules as to shorten the time from Portland to Yreka seventeen days. During the year a good wagon road was constructed from Scottsburg to the Oregon and California road, Congress having made an additional appropriation of twenty thousand dollars for the completion of the military road from Scottsburg to Rogue River. Lieutenant Withers, U.S. Army, who was detailed to resume the survey and construction of the same and charged with the expenditure of the money, arrived at the scene of his labors in October, 1854.
    The brilliant prospects offered by the beach mines of Coos Bay in 1853, and which attracted so large an immigration, were not fulfilled in 1854. The great sea that had deposited untold wealth upon its shores in the previous season, with its usual capriciousness removed it all in the following winter. The spring found both mines and merchants bankrupt. The merchants mostly returned to Scottsburg; but a few far-seeing men, among whom were Rogers & Flanagan, Northrup & Lymonds and James Aiken, remained, satisfied that the coal and lumber of this region offered sufficient inducements to remain and await developments. The first cargo of coal was mined from a drift in the Boatman donation claim. It was transported in wagons a mile and a half to Coal Bank Slough, and transferred in scows to Empire City. This cargo was shipped in the Chansey in 1854; and both vessel and cargo were lost on the Coos Bay bar. Another cargo was shipped shortly afterwards, procured from the same source. At that time the price of coal in San Francisco was forty dollars per ton; and freight from Coos Bay was paid at the rate of thirteen dollars per ton.
    About March 15, 1854, the brig Frances Helen left the mouth of the Umpqua for Coos Bay, expecting to make the trip in a few hours. After having crossed out, she had to put to sea on account of heavy weather, and did not cross the Coos Bay bar until the 27th, and after crossing went ashore on the north spit, where she remained in a perilous position for three days, but was finally got off by the exertions of her master, Captain Leeds, and safely moored in the harbor. The brig had on board ninety tons of freight from Scottsburg.
    In April, 1854, the first newspaper of Southern Oregon was published by D. J. Lyon at Scottsburg, William J. Beggs being the printer. It was styled the Umpqua Gazette, and was edited with more than average ability. Judge Deady held the first term of the district court in Coos County at Empire City on October 2, 1854.
    The remaining incidents of 1854 are connected with the expedition of Captain Jesse Walker to assist the incoming immigration by the southern route in that year. On July 17, 1854, Governor Davis of Oregon, at the request of the citizens of Jackson County, issued an order authorizing John E. Ross, as colonel of the militia, to call into service a company of volunteers for that purpose, if he should deem it necessary. The governor also directed a communication to General Wool, commanding the Department of the Pacific, requesting his attention to our Indian relations in that direction. General Wool, although deeply impressed with the necessity of such an expedition, had no force of regular troops which could be spared for such service. Colonel Ross, who by his former experience was fully aware of the necessity of such protection, on the third day of August issued a call for a company of volunteers, to serve for the term of three months. The company, consisting of seventy-one men rank and file, was promptly enlisted. The officers were Captain Jesse Walker, Lieutenant C. Westfeldt and Isaac Miller, Sergeants William G. Hill, R. E. Miller and Andrew J. Long. The instructions of Colonel Ross to Captain Walker were to proceed at once to some suitable point near Clear Lake, in the vicinity of Bloody Point, and protect the trains. The treatment of the Indians was left to the discretion of Captain Walker, but concluded with the following terms: "If possible, cultivate their friendship; but, if necessary for the safety of the lives and property of the immigration, whip and drive them from the road."
    About the same time that the company of Captain Walker left Jacksonville, a party of experienced mountaineers, fifteen in number, left Yreka with the same object. The Yreka company struck the Indians on the north side of Tule Lake, and were met with a shower of arrows. Their force being insufficient to withstand the charge, they fell back to await the arrival of the Oregon company. When Captain Walker arrived, he sent forty men of his company, with five Californians, to attack the Indian village, which was situated in the marsh three hundred yards from where the attack had been made. The Indians fled, the village was destroyed, and all the men returned to camp at the mouth of Lost River. The headquarters of both companies was established at Clear Lake. Captain Walker, from this point, sent a detachment of his company under Lieutenant Westfeldt eastward on the trail, to meet the coming immigration; and a number of the California company joined this command. Lieutenant Westfeldt went as far east as the Big Bend of the Humboldt, collecting the scattered wagons into trains, and supplying them with escorts to the headquarters at Clear Lake. Owing to these precautions, the immigrants arrived with few accidents, except the stealing of their stock by the Indians.
    On the third of October, Captain Walker determined to punish these thieves, and with sixteen men started north in pursuit of them. North of Goose Lake, he met a band of Indians, which he followed the whole day. On the next he came upon them, and found them fortified upon the top of a huge rock, which he named Warner's Rock in remembrance of Captain Warner, who was killed there in 1849. He immediately charged their stronghold, but was repulsed with the loss of one man, John Low, wounded. Returning to Goose Lake, the company met and killed two Indians. The captain again set out with twenty-five men, and, by traveling in the night, succeeded in reaching Warner's Rock without being discovered by the Indians, who had retired from the rock and were encamped on the bank of a creek. The company formed a semicircle around the camp, and at daybreak commenced firing. The Indians, being completely surprised, took to the brush; but many were killed. The only white man injured was Sergeant William G. Hill, who was severely wounded in the arm and face by the accidental discharge of a gun in the hands of one of his comrades. Returning to Goose Lake, they were ordered home, and were mustered out of service at Jacksonville November 6, 1854, having served ninety-six days. When it is considered that these men volunteered with no hope of reward beyond the consciousness of the performance of a duty, it will not be denied that they deserved well of their country.

    The settlers of Southern Oregon had every reason to congratulate themselves upon their future prospects at the beginning of the year 1855. The population was steadily increasing; the immigrants of previous years had built themselves homes--most of them, it is true, of a very primitive character--made fences and raised bountiful crops; villages had sprung up all over the country, and also trading posts, where all necessary supplies could be secured; money was plenty, owing to the yield of the gold mines; schools and churches had been established; law and order prevailed everywhere; and the country began to assume, in a rude form, the character of the states east of the Rocky Mountains. The land was being surveyed, upon the plats of which surveys every original donation claim was marked out, thus preventing any future controversy in regard to land titles. To further the interests of the settlers of Southern Oregon, Congress, on the 17th of February, 1855, passed an act creating a new land district south of the fourth standard parallel, which was near the line of the Calapooia Mountains, to be called the Umpqua District. The act was not to take effect until three months after its passage. The location of the office was fixed by the President at Winchester, Douglas County. L. F. Mosher was appointed Register, and George W. Lawson, of Indiana, Receiver. The trade by the way of the mouth of the Umpqua River was steadily increasing. Wagon teams drawn by oxen were to a great extent taking the place of pack trains, owing to the improvement of the roads, thus reducing the price of goods in the interior. On Coos Bay, two coal mines were being opened, one at Newport by Flanagan & Rogers, the other at Eastport by Northrup & Symonds. Two saw mills were also erected, one by A. M. Simpson at North Bend, the other by H. H. Luse at Empire City. The discovery of new beach mines was reported near Port Orford and the Coquille River. In Jackson County, the mining and agricultural interests were never in a more prosperous condition. The year which opened so auspiciously was destined to be closed with one of the most desperate and cruel Indian wars recorded in the annals of the United States.
    The Indians on the Rogue River reservation, under the command of their chiefs, Sam and Joe, as a general rule, maintained the obligations of the treaty they had entered into in 1853; but many of the young warriors chafed under the restraint, and were willing at every possible opportunity to join the bands of John, Limpy, George, Tipsu, and other chiefs who had not signed the treaty, in any raid of murder and pillage.
    Captain A. J. Smith, in command of Fort Lane, and George H. Ambrose, who had succeeded S. H. Culver as Indian agent, used their best efforts to punish these marauders; but the small force of regular troops at their command, and the great extent of mountainous country over which the Indians roamed made it impossible to effect much. In fact, if the citizens had not on these occasions united to defend themselves, they could have accomplished nothing. It is impossible to narrate all the devilment the Indians did during this period, as there was no newspaper published in Jackson County at that time, and most of the old pioneers have passed away.
    The first one of these raids occurred in May, 1855. A party of Indians belonging to Limpy's tribe, with some of the Rogue River Indians, went from their camp on Illinois River across the mountains to Happy Camp, on the Klamath River, where they robbed a number of mining camps. From there they went to Indian Creek, where they killed a miner named Hall. Returning home across the Siskiyou Mountains, they stole some cattle from Hay's ranch, and retreated to the mountains at the head of Slate Creek. The next day Sam Frye, with eight men, left Hay's' ranch in pursuit. He came upon them and killed three. He returned for reinforcements, and found that the Indians had gone to Deer Creek, and upon the way had murdered a man by the name of Philpot and seriously wounded James Mills. Upon hearing the news, the settlers moved to Yarnell's stockade for safety; and a messenger was sent to Fort Lane for assistance. Frye, with twenty men, was still pursuing the Indians. Upon receiving news of the attack, Captain Smith ordered Lieutenant Sweitzer, with twelve men, to their relief. This detachment found the bodies of Jerome Dyer and Daniel McCue where they had been murdered on Applegate Creek. Lieutenant Sweitzer and his command, not being able to find the Indians, returned to Fort Lane; but Captain Frye pursued them with such vigor that, finding their escape impossible, they returned to Fort Lane and gave themselves up to Captain Smith, by whom they were kept in custody, he refusing to give them to the soldiers or to the civil authorities until after an indictment was found. The court did not meet until December; and the whole band, fourteen in number, escaped punishment.
    The next massacre occurred on Humbug Creek, a branch of the Klamath River, on the night of the 27th of July, 1855. A party of Indians, mostly of the Klamath tribe, with two of the Rogue Rivers, made a raid upon the miners working on the creek and Klamath River and killed twelve men in cold blood while asleep, after which they retreated north across the mountains to the head of Applegate Creek. They were immediately followed by five companies of volunteers hastily gathered, numbering in all about two hundred men. The Indians, finding themselves pursued in force, sought refuge upon the Rogue River reservation. The volunteers, having traced them to this point, asked Captain Smith to deliver the criminals up to them, which he refused to do, but promised to surrender them to the civil authorities of California upon a proper requisition. Some time after, the two Rogue River Indians engaged in the murders were given up to the civil authorities at Yreka and were executed, the remainder of the party being a part of the Indian force whose record will be given later.
    About the first of September, a party of Indians, which was no doubt a part of Tipsu's band, stole a number of horses from Fred Alberding, who lived near the head of the Rogue River Valley. Alberding, securing the assistance of a few of his neighbors, started out to recover his property. Following their trail, they fell into an ambuscade of the Indians and were fired upon. Granville Keene was killed; and Alberding and J. Q. Faber were wounded. The party was compelled to retire, leaving the body of Keene upon the ground. News having been sent to Fort Lane, Captain Smith ordered Lieutenant Sweitzer and Lieutenant Allston, with thirty-eight men, to the scene of the murder. They found the remains of Keene mutilated almost beyond recognition. The Indians, numbering about thirty, they did not find. On the 24th of September, Harrison B. Oatman and Daniel P. Brittain of Phoenix started an ox team train to Yreka loaded with flour from the Phoenix mill in Jackson County, Oregon. With them were Calvin M. Fields, formerly from Iowa, and John Cunningham, from Sauvies Island, Oregon. Each one drove an ox team of two yoke; and the train camped the first night near the foot of the Siskiyous. The next day, when near the summit, it became necessary to double teams by reason of the steepness of the ascent. Fields and Cunningham joined teams. When within three hundred yards of the summit, they were fired upon by the Indians and instantly killed. Brittain, who was in charge of the remaining teams, hearing the firing and ascertaining the cause, fled back to the Mountain House, three miles distant; and news was at once sent to Fort Lane for assistance. Oatman, who was in advance, escaped over the summit; and a short distance below, on the south side, he met A. O. Hutchings of Polk County, Oregon, who was returning from Yreka. The two went back a short distance, when, meeting some men who were ready to accompany them, they immediately returned to the scene of the murders. Fields' body was lying in the road, but that of Cunningham could not be found. The Indians had shot and killed eighteen head of cattle, and upset the wagons. No Indians were found.
    Upon the receipt of the news at Fort Lane, Captain Smith at once ordered Major Fitzgerald, with Lieutenant Allston and thirty-six men, to proceed to the scene and punish the Indians. Major Fitzgerald lost no time. On his arrival at the Mountain House, he found a party of twenty-two citizens under the command of Captain Thos. Smith, ready to follow the Indians, with whom he at once joined forces. On the morning of the 28th, on the summit of the Siskiyou Mountains, the trail of the Indians was discovered, which was followed until it reached a branch of the Klamath, where the Indians appeared to have scattered. Small parties were sent in every direction, and the trail was discovered. "At daylight the next morning," says Major Fitzgerald in his official report, "the command was on the trail, which was pursued until noon, when the valley became almost a cañon, with very rocky and precipitous sides, and entirely impracticable for horses. From this point I sent eighteen volunteers, who had accompanied me and who left their horses at this point, to follow up the Indians until night, in order that we might ascertain if their position was accessible from any other direction. They continued in pursuit for ten miles over what they represent to be the most impracticable country they have ever seen, over the summit of the Siskiyou Mountains again, and on to the waters of Butte Creek, which run into Rogue River. As the Indians were unapproachable from my position, and as they were evidently aware of our pursuit, and as they were much more accessible from Rogue River Valley, I returned to the post and report these facts. I arrived (at Fort Lane) on the 1st instant. I received much valuable assistance from the volunteers who accompanied me, and from their commander, Captain Thomas Smith."
    The settlers, although they had not the advantage of the report of Major Fitzgerald above alluded to, were sufficiently warned by Captain Smith and his company, and were well prepared for their appearance on Butte Creek. Having learned that the murderous band were in camp near the mouth of Butte Creek seeking a refuge on the reservation, to the protection of which they were certainly not entitled, the citizens of the valley at once organized a company to inflict upon them the punishment they deserved. Captain Hays was in command. The company consisted of about forty men. On the evening of the 7th of October, they surrounded their camp, and at daybreak in the morning commenced the attack which resulted in the killing of most of the warriors. The victory was dearly gained, with the loss of Major Lupton, who was killed by an arrow from a wounded Indian, almost in the same manner as Captain Stuart was killed in 1851. Major Lupton was a member of the House of Representatives from Jackson County.
    Before proceeding to narrate the events which immediately followed the last fight, it becomes necessary to repel some grave charges against the good name and fame of the people of Southern Oregon. To every citizen of this section, it was plainly evident that the majority of the Indians had no disposition to abide by the treaty of 1853, but were fatally bent on war. This, unfortunately, was not the view that the Indian agents and the military officers of the United States government took of the situation. They persistently held that these outrages were committed by the Indians in retaliation for attacks made by the whites, with the malicious intention of driving them to desperation, in order that the whites might have an excuse for their extermination. They accordingly defended and protected the red-handed murderers of women, children and unarmed men whenever an opportunity offered. Chief among these slanderers were Joel Palmer, Superintendent of Indian Affairs in the territory, and General John E. Wool, commander of the Department of the Pacific at San Francisco. The newspapers of the northern part of Oregon, knowing little of the actual state of affairs, reiterated these charges. It was the year of Know-Nothingism in Oregon; and, as party politics were at a white heat, it is not surprising that the statements of the newspapers were made more with reference to their effect upon the campaign than to their accuracy. The reports of the army officers and the Indian agents are effectively locked up in the Congressional Record, that nobody reads; while the heated discussions of the political campaign have long since been forgotten. It would not be necessary, therefore, to refer to the charges, had they not been perpetuated by certain publications called histories. One of these is designated as the "History of the Southern Oregon Counties," published by A. G. Walling at Portland, Oregon, the other called the "History of Oregon," by H. H. Bancroft, published at San Francisco (1).
    A sufficient reply to these charges is contained in the beginning of this chapter. To the farmers and miners whose labor for a year was dependent upon the preservation of peace, nothing could be more disastrous than an Indian outbreak. Besides this, the citizens of all classes, relying upon the peaceful year of 1854 and the presence of the United States troops, were almost entirely unprepared for a serious conflict; while the Indians, taking advantage of their security, were well provided with arms and ammunition for a long campaign.
    The truth of the matter was, that all the chiefs who had not joined in the treaty of 1853, and some who had, became convinced, by the rapid influx of the white population, that their days were numbered, and that a final struggle was imperative. Chief John, who was not only a warrior, but a general, was the leader of the movement in the south. Chief Joe was dead; and Sam, his brother, in charge of the Rogue River Indians on the reservation, refused to fight; but John enlisted most of his young warriors. He also engaged the Indians of the Umpqua Valley on his side, who had never made any pretense of ill treatment by the whites, as well as the Indians on the coast. As this war broke out almost simultaneously, from the line of British Columbia into Northern California, the conclusion is irresistible that the conflict was a united effort upon the part of the Indians to prevent any further encroachments on the part of the whites, and that the citizens of Southern Oregon had nothing to do with its inception.
    The 9th of October, 1855, was a dark and memorable day in Southern Oregon. On the morning of that day, the Indian warriors under the command of Chiefs John and Limpy started on the warpath. Their first act was to murder William Going, a teamster employed on the reservation, about two o'clock in the morning. They thence proceeded down the river on the Oregon and California road. Their first attack was upon the camp of a train loaded with mill irons, near Jewett's Ferry, where they killed a Mr. Hamilton, who was in charge, and severely wounded his companion, who was shot in four places. They fired upon Jewett's house, but finding it too well protected proceeded to Evans' Ferry, which they reached about daybreak. Here they shot Isaac Shelton, from the Willamette, bound for Yreka, who died after lingering twenty hours. A short distance from Evans' they met and killed a drover with beef cattle. They next reached the house of Mr. Jones, who was shot dead in his yard. Mrs. Jones was shot through the body. She ran for the brush, pursued by an Indian, who shot her again while begging for her life, and left her for dead. She was found alive not long after by the volunteers and taken to a place of safety, but died the next day. The Indians burned the house after plundering it. Between Jones' and Wagner's they killed four men, two of whom were driving a wagon loaded with apples. They burned the wagon and contents, destroyed the harness and appropriated the horses.
    On reaching Wagner's, they were joined by Chief George's band of Indians, who had been camped on the creek near his house for some months, always professing friendship for the whites. Early that morning, Mr. Wagner left home to escort Miss Pellet, a traveling temperance lecturer, to Illinois Valley, leaving his wife and four-year-old daughter in perfect security, as he supposed, under the protection of Chief George, who had always been a favored guest at his house. Upon the arrival of the war party, Mrs. Wagner and child were murdered, and the house burned over them. The barn and all the outbuildings were also burned.
    From this point they went to the house of George W. Harris, a few miles beyond. Mr. Harris was making shingles near the house; and Mrs. Harris was engaged in washing behind the house. About nine o'clock, according to the statement of Mrs. Harris, her husband hastily entered the house with an ax in his hand, stating that the house was surrounded by Indians, whose manner indicated they were warlike. He seized his wife; but while endeavoring to shut the door, he was shot through the breast by a rifle ball. He twice after fired his rifle mechanically and fell upon the floor. His daughter, eleven years of age, seeing her father shot, went to the door, when she was shot through the right arm between the shoulder and the elbow. The husband reviving, advised his wife to bar the doors and load the guns, of which there was a rifle, a shotgun, a revolver and three pistols. Mrs. Harris secured the doors, but told her husband she had never loaded a gun in her life. Mr. Harris instructed her how to load the weapons and expired. This brave woman, left to her own resources, commenced a sharp firing upon the savages, who, having burnt the outbuildings, were endeavoring to fire the house. She thus continued to defend herself and daughter, she watching at one end of the house and the child the other, for eight hours, and until about sundown, when the savages, being attracted by a firing on the flats about a mile below the house, left to discover whence it proceeded. She embraced the opportunity and fled to a thicket of willows which grew along a spring branch near the house, taking with her only a holster pistol. She and her daughter had barely secreted themselves when the Indians, eighteen in number, all armed with rifles, returned, and, finding the house abandoned, commenced scouring the thicket. Upon their near approach to her hiding place she fired her pistol, which caused a general stampede. This was repeated several times, and always with the same result until finally, surrounding the thicket, they remained till daylight. Her ammunition was now exhausted; but she retained her position until the volunteers arrived, when the Indians fled precipitately, and she was saved. Mrs. Harris had on the evening previous sent her little son, aged nine years, to the house of a neighbor. He was killed, as well as Frank Reed, the partner of ]Mr. Harris. This list does not include all who were murdered on that bloody day, many of whom were never heard of afterwards.
    Upon the receipt of the news at Jacksonville, at least twenty men sprang into the saddle at once. They did not wait to be enrolled, consequently a full list cannot be obtained; but among them were John Drum, Henry "Klippel, James D. Burnett, Wm. Dalland, Alex. Mackey, John Hulse, Angus Brown, Jack Long, A. J. Knott, Levi Knott and John Ladd. Upon their arrival at Fort Lane, they were authorized by Major Fitzgerald to go in advance as a scouting party, stating that he would follow them with his company of fifty-five dragoons in a short time. The narrative of the expedition is copied from the diary of J. D. Burnett, one of the volunteers. He says:
    "We left Evans' Ferry at two o'clock on the morning of the 10th of October. The first body found was the body of Jones, whose body had been nearly eaten up by the hogs; the next were Cartwright and his partner, the apple men. As they neared the creek on which Wagner's house had been situated, they found the Indians were still there. The volunteers crossed the creek, which was thickly bordered by willows, when they met about twenty Indians on horseback, drawn up in line of battle, with a battle flag. The Indians challenged the volunteers to fight, which was quickly accepted; but as the volunteers charged, Major Fitzgerald broke through the willows, and with his dragoons joined in the movement. The Indians suddenly retreated, but too late. Seven were left dead on the ground, and the number of wounded could not be ascertained, as the Indians fled to the mountains where the troop could not follow them, as their horses were already nearly exhausted.
    "Upon reaching the Wagner house, Mr. Burnett and. Alex. Mackey found the bones of Mrs. Wagner and her little girl on the hearthstone. Taking some bricks from the chimney, they made a small vault, into which they deposited the remains with the intention of removing them upon their return and giving them decent burial. Upon their return, they found the Indians had taken the bones to a large pine stump near the house and crushed them to powder. Upon reaching Harris' ranch, they found Harris dead in the house, and soon discovered Mrs. Harris and her daughter coming toward them from a willow thicket near by. The girl had been shot in the arm; and both were in a deplorable condition. After they had buried Mr. Harris, the company was ordered back to take the woman to a place of safety, and to gather up the dead. On the next day, they returned to take care of three wagons belonging to Mr. Knott, which were loaded with merchandise, but found them all burned with their contents and the teams driven off. In searching the surrounding country, they came to the house of Mr. Haines, where they found Haines and his young son killed; but Mrs. Haines could not be found. As she was never afterwards heard of, she undoubtedly met the fate of Mrs. Wagner."
    There could no longer be any doubt as to the disposition of the savages. Captain Smith of fort Lane, in a letter to the Adjutant General at Benicia, dated October 14, 1855, said: "All we can do yet for a few days will be to furnish protection to the settlers most exposed, or until they can arm themselves and get together for mutual protection. There are but few arms of any description in the hands of the settlers; and I shall have to provide them with such of my old musketoons as I can spare. A large majority of the Indians are well armed with good rifles of different descriptions. Chiefs Sara, Elijah and Sambo, with upwards of three hundred of their men, women and children, are now at this post under our protection, and will take no part in the war. Chiefs John, Limpy and George, with all their people, are proscribed. We have a very mountainous country to operate in."
    The news of the outbreak was rapidly conveyed northward, and was received in the Cow Creek Valley the same day. A number of travelers, catching the alarm, assembled at Smith's house, about five miles from Elliff 's place, at the south end of the Umpqua Cañon. J. H. Rinearson at once proceeded to organize a company of volunteers of more than thirty men. Rinearson was chosen Captain, and Chas. Johnson Lieutenant. Hardy Elliff, Stephen Wynatt, Smith, Turner and Redfield, all settlers of the valley, were among the number. At this time Mr. Lawler, a miner on Lower Grave Creek, arrived in camp and informed the Captain that the raid of the Indians had been continued down Grave Creek. Captain Rinearson, leaving a sufficient number of men to guard the houses of Smith and Levins on Cow Creek, proceeded at once to the locality. Just below Lawler's cabin, they were fired upon by the Indians; but, upon the firing being briskly returned, they retreated. Proceeding a short distance further, they found the dead bodies of two miners, which they buried and returned to the road. From this point, they went south to Harris' ranch, where they met the command of Major Fitzgerald, when they returned as far as the Six Bit House, where they remained a few days to guard the road.
    On the 17th of October, the Indians attacked the miners on Galice Creek, numbering about twenty-five men. The miners hearing of the outbreak, as they had no means of leaving, determined to defend themselves as best they could. The two houses, which were constructed with split boards, offered no means of defense; and the log corral was little better. They dug a ditch and threw up a breastwork; but before this was finished, early in the morning, the hostiles made the attack, which lasted all day. The loss of the besieged was three men killed: J. W. Pickett, Israel B. Adams and Samuel Sanders. Among the wounded were Ben Tuffts, who soon died, Wm. B. Lewis, W. A. Moore, Allen Evans, John Enixon, Louis Davis, Milton Blackenridge and Umpqua Joe, a friendly Indian. The Indians retired at nightfall, of which the whites took advantage to increase their defenses. Upon the return of the Indians in the morning, finding the increased means of defense, and warned, of course, of the succor that was approaching, they fired a few guns and retreated. Jack Collins and Ben Gentry, who were sent from Galice Creek as messengers, reported the attack to Captain Rinearson at his camp on Jump-off Joe; and the Captain immediately went to the rescue with his company. Upon their arrival, they found that the Indians had retreated. A short time afterwards, a detachment of regular troops under Captain Smith having arrived, the survivors, including one woman, Mrs. Pickett, with the wounded, were entrusted to their care; and Captain Rinearson returned to his camp on the road near the house of Mrs. Niday.
    Lieutenant H. G. Gibson of the Fourth Artillery, with sixty men, who had acted as escort for Lieutenant Williamson on his survey east of the Cascade Mountains, was returning to Benicia by the Oregon road, and was encamped at Winchester when the news of the outbreak on the ninth was received. He at once proceeded to Fort Lane with his command.
    On the 10th of October, A. V. Kautz, U.S. Army, with ten men and a guide, started from Port Orford to make an examination of a proposed road to Jacksonville, being entirely unaware of the Indian difficulties. He took a due east course, and in thirty miles reached the big bend of Rogue River. On his arrival, he found the settlers in great alarm from a threatened attack of a large body of hostile Indians from the valley above. It appears that some friendly Indians had come down the valley from Grave Creek and warned the settlers to leave; that the Indians had already come down the valley and killed Dr. Reavis on his ranch, and were going to burn his trading post, about four miles below. The settlers, who lived only a short distance below the trading post, did not credit the report at first; but a number of them, accompanied by the Indians who had brought the report, went up to ascertain the truth of the matter. Going up the hill carefully, not far from the store, they beheld the house in flames, and some sixty or more Indians dancing the war dance around it. The Indians told them that the war party, after killing the Doctor, came on to the store, where there was a young man, whose name was known only as Sam, and only one or two others near. The savages told Sam they had come to kill him. Thinking they were in jest, he made no attempt at resistance. They did as they threatened--a// him in quarters and salted Jiini. After taking what flour and other articles they wanted, they set fire to the building. The party who had witnessed the burning fled in all haste, and met Lieutenant Kautz and his party at Big Bend, who at once put his men in a good log house, with nine guns and all the ammunition and stores he had, and left with his guide for Port Orford, where he arrived at one o'clock a.m. on the i6th. He returned immediately with arms, etc., intending to reach his camp at the bend the same night, preparatory to a resistance to the further advance of the hostile party. The foregoing statement of Kautz's expedition is taken from the official report of R. W. Dunbar, Indian agent at Port Orford. Lieutenant Kautz soon returned to Port Orford, induced by the reports of the Indian agents, which represented the disposition of the savages at the mouth of Rogue River and vicinity to be very threatening to the peace of that section.
    The belief that all the hostiles had gone down Rogue River to a place of safety was dispelled on the 24th of October, when the Cow Creek Indians, supposed to be friendly, made their outbreak. They first attacked a wagon train consisting of three ox teams and a drove of hogs belonging to the Bailey Brothers of Lane County. The train had just safely crossed Cow Creek on the military road when they were fired upon. H. Bailey was instantly killed, and Z. Bailey and three others wounded. Several of the employees in the rear of the train escaped unhurt. John Redfield, who lived on the north side of the crossing of Cow Creek, hearing the firing, hitched up his team and, taking his family in a wagon, started for Smith's house, where many were collected. On the way his horses were shot; and the remainder of the distance was on foot. He was successful in reaching Smith's house, although his wife was wounded. The Indians fired Redfield's house after plundering it, and also his barn and all his outbuildings. Lieutenant Johnson, who was at Smith's with Oarrick and Wynatt, went up the mountain side near the house to discover the movements of the Indians. They had not proceeded far when they were fired upon by the Indians. Johnson was fatally shot. Wynatt, in going to his relief, was also very badly wounded. Captain Hardy Elliff, under the protection of the guns of the camp, climbed the mountain and brought Wynatt to the house, where he died the next day. The body of Johnson was stripped, scalped and mutilated, but was afterwards decently buried. All the houses, barns and outhouses in the Cow Creek Valley, with the exception of Smith's and Levins', which were ably defended, were burned, and the settlers' stock stolen, killed or driven off.
    Captain Rinearson, whose camp was on Jump-off Joe about fifteen miles south of Cow Creek, was first informed of the attack by Fleming R. Hill, who left his camp in the afternoon and returned after dark, reporting the killing of Bailey. Captain Rinearson, with his company, immediately left for the scene of the murder, which they reached before daybreak. The oxen of the three teams of Bailey were lying in the road where they had been shot down in the yoke, and the hogs running around. Upon crossing Cow Creek, they found all the houses burned except Smith's and Levins'; but the Indians had disappeared. The Rev. J. W. Miller of the Methodist church, with his wife, who were at Levins' at the time of the attack, were sent under an escort, commanded by F. M. Tibbats of Rinearson's company, to their home in the Umpqua Valley. It is said that on this occasion the reverend gentleman fought as well as prayed.
    As soon as the war became an established fact, Geo. L. Curry Governor of Oregon, issued a proclamation for nine companies of mounted volunteers for the defense of Southern Oregon, four companies to be raised in Jackson County, who were to rendezvous at Jacksonville and elect a major. This was to be designated as the Southern battalion. The Northern battalion was to consist of five companies, two from Lane, one from Linn, one from Umpqua and one from Douglas, who were to meet at Roseburg and elect their major. Each volunteer was to furnish his own horse, arms and equipments; and they were to elect their own officers. This proclamation was dated at Portland, Oregon, October 15, 1855; but, before it reached its destination, more than a dozen companies had been enlisted and enrolled by Colonel John E. Ross. The names of the captains of the companies were as follows: Company A, L. S. Harris; Company B, James Bruce; Company C, J. S. Rinearson; Company D, R. L. Williamson; Company E, W. B. Lewis; Company F, A. S. Walton; Company G, Miles T. Alcorn; Company H, W. A. Wilkinson; Company I, I. T. Smith; Company K, S. A. Frye; Company L, Abel George; Company M, F. R. Hill. The muster rolls of all these companies included nearly eight hundred men. It is safe to say that every able-bodied man in the district, of proper age, who could command a gnu, placed his name on the rolls. The first companies organized under the proclamation of the governor were the Lane County company: Captain Joseph Bailey, First Lieutenant D. W. Keith, Second Lieutenant Cy. Mulkey, of seventy men; and the Douglas County company. Captain Samuel Gordon, First Lieutenant Sam B. Hadley, Second Lieutenant Theodore Prather, of seventy-five men. These companies left Roseburg on the 28th and arrived at the Six Bit House on the 30th of October.
    Scouting parties from both the regular and volunteer troops had on the twenty-eighth located the main body of the Indians, supposed to be between two and three hundred warriors, on a high range of rugged hills between Cow Creek and Grave Creek, about fifteen miles west of the road. Captain Smith at once sent word to Colonel Ross, who joined him at his camp near Grave Creek late on the night of the twenty-ninth. Captain Smith had in his command one hundred and five men and three officers: First Lieutenant H. G. Gibson, Third Artillery; Second Lieutenant A. V. Kautz, Fourth Infantry; and Second Lieutenant B. Allston, First Dragoons. Colonel Ross had in his command: Captain Harris, company of forty men; Captain Bruce, thirty; Captain Welton, forty; Captain Williams, thirty; Captain Rinearson, forty; Captain Bailey, seventy; and Captain Gordon, seventy-five men; of which he took about two hundred and fifty into action.
    The spies of the regulars and volunteers had located the position of the Indians on a hill extremely difficult of access. A plan of attack was agreed upon; and, in order to surprise the enemy, the movement was to be commenced at midnight. The troops moved very near the appointed time, although the orders were received late at night, and at daylight reached a high point of the mountain, where the Indians were supposed to be; but they had disappeared. After a search by scouting parties for some hours, the Indians were discovered on the top of a mountain about four miles to the north. The troops were ordered to march in that direction; and, when within half a mile, the Indians were seen drawn up in line of battle on the top of Bald Peak, awaiting their approach. The volunteers were so eager for the fray that they threw coats and blankets by the wayside; and the fleetest on foot were foremost in the assault. The first charge, which was made at ten o'clock a.m., drove the Indians from their position into the brush, from whence they poured a deadly fire into the ranks of the whites. The battle continued throughout the day without intermission. All efforts to turn their position were unavailing, owing to the dense thicket in their rear; and the several gallant charges made by Captain Smith and his regulars only resulted in loss to the attacking party. About dark the firing ceased; and the whites retired a short distance to obtain water for the wounded and dying.
    The next morning, November 1st, about sunrise, the Indians made a desperate attack upon the camp of the whites, which was resisted with great gallantry by both regulars and volunteers; and, at about ten o'clock a.m., the Indians were forced to retire. As soon as the fight ceased, the troops withdrew to the road, a portion to the Six Bit House, which was named Camp Bailey, and the remainder to the Grave Creek House. The retreat was more trying to the troops than the two days' engagement, since they were compelled to travel about fourteen miles over high mountains and cross deep cañons, encumbered by the wounded, having been without food for forty-eight hours, and with very little water. They arrived in camp at ten o'clock p.m. The casualties were as follows: Captain Gordon's company, Hawkins Shelton, James AI. Fordyce, William Wilson, severely wounded; Captain Rinearson's company--Henry Pearl, Jacob W. Miller, killed, James Pearcy, missing, W. H. Crouch, Ephraim Yager, Enoch Miller, wounded; Captain Bailey's company, John Gillespie, killed, John Walden, John C. Richardson, James Saphar, Thomas J. Aubrey, John Pankey, wounded; Captain Harris' company, Jonathan Pettigrew, killed, Ira Mayfield, L. F. Allen, Wm. Purnell, Geo. Harris, John Goldsby, Thomas Gill, wounded; Captain Bruce's company, Chas. Goodwin, wounded; Captain Welton's company, John Kennedy, wounded; Captain Williams' company, John Winters, killed, John Stannus, Thos. Ryne, wounded. Total, five killed, twenty wounded and one missing. Of the regular troops, Captain Smith lost three men killed and five wounded; Lieutenant Kautz lost one man killed; Lieutenant Gibson of the Artillery was severely wounded in the thigh on the second day of the fight. It is unfortunate that the official report of this engagement, by Captain A. J. Smith, never reached the office of the Adjutant General, and cannot be referred to.
    There was considerable discussion at the time in regard to the failure of the attack. It failed from no event of gallantry in the officers and men of either the regulars or volunteers, but simply from the fact that it was prematurely made. The Commissary Department for the volunteers had just been appointed, but were not yet organized and could render no assistance. The troops had been hastily assembled, had no opportunity for drill or even consultation, and, worse than all, the topography of the country had not been ascertained nor the position of the enemy determined. A delay of two days would have enabled the scouts to locate the position of the Indians, as well as have furnished a strong reinforcement of volunteers, and two officers of the regular army.
    The Indians retained their position on the battle ground, and held their scalp dance to celebrate their victory; but it was dearly purchased. The evidence of this is that they not only failed to pursue the retreating whites, but left immediately for their stronghold down Rogue River. The loss of the Indians was never ascertained, but must have been at least equal to that of the troops.
    On the 30th of October, William J. Martin was elected major of the Northern battalion, and on the next day left Winchester for Canyonville, where two companies of his command were encamped--Captain Buoy of Lane County, and Captain Keeney of Linn County. At this point he also met Lieutenant George W. Crook and Lieutenant Abbott of the United States Army. Lieutenant Crook had been acting as quartermaster for Captain Williamson's expedition; and Lieutenant Abbott of the Topographical Engineers had been his assistant. They were each encumbered with pack trains, and had no escort. Under the circumstances, they gladly accepted the protection of Major Martin's command, which left Canyonville early on the morning of November 1st. The command reached Camp Bailey about sundown, just as the advance of the troops, with the wounded, were returning from Hungry Hill. The next morning. Major Martin, with Captain Buoy's company and the trains of Lieutenants Crook and Abbott, proceeded to the Grave Creek House, where he met Colonel Ross and Captain Smith. At a consultation, it was determined to make a new attack as soon as the proper preparations could be made therefor. Captain Smith returned to Fort Lane, Major Bruce with his battalion made his camp at Vannoy's Ferry on Rogue River, while Major Martin with the Northern battalion made his headquarters at Grave Creek, but divided his command in such a manner as to protect the main road, and all those points in the Umpqua Valley that seemed to be in danger of attack.
    Captain John K. Lamerick was appointed Acting Adjutant General of the Southern troops, and was entrusted with the duty of mustering and organizing the force according to the proclamation of Governor Curry. On the tenth of November, 1855, he mustered in the Southern battalion, which consisted of the companies of Bruce, Williams, Wilkinson and Alcorn. The quota of the Northern battalion was completed by mustering in the Umpqua County company of ninety men, commanded by Captain W. W. Chapman.
    M. M. McCarver was appointed Commissary General, who made his headquarters at Roseburg. John F. Miller was appointed Quartermaster General, but, having resigned to be a candidate for the Legislative Assembly, Dr. Joseph W. Drew was appointed in his stead. After the organization, all the other companies which had been called into service under the militia law of the territory were discharged by Colonel Ross. The forces were still further weakened in November by the transfer of Major E. H. Fitzgerald, with his company of the First Dragoons, from Fort Lane to The Dalles.
    After the troops had been supplied with ammunition and provisions, and the position of the Indians having been ascertained to be at the little meadows on Lower Rogue River, Majors Bruce and Martin determined to attack them, which plan of campaign was endorsed by Captain Smith, who ordered Captain Judah, who had recently arrived from Fort Jones with his company, to join in the movement The command started from Grave Creek, down the trail along the north side of Rogue River. When near the Meadows, it was discovered that the main stronghold of the savages was upon the south side. It was therefore ordered that Major Bruce's command, with Captain Keeney's company of Major Martin's command, should cross the river some miles below the Indian encampment and attack them in the rear, while Major Martin's command, and Captain Judah with the mountain howitzers, should reach a point opposite. On the morning of the 27th, Major Bruce attempted to throw his division across the river, but, while constructing rafts for this purpose, was fired upon by the Indians upon the opposite bank. A sharp fire was kept up all day with little effect upon the Indians, as they were concealed by a dense thicket of brush; and, having lost one man killed, Wm. Lewis, of Captain Keeney's company, and five wounded, he made no further attempt to cross, and sent a dispatch to Captain Judah. The report of Captain Judah to Captain Smith explains more fully the whole circumstances. He says:
    "On the 18th of November, I left Fort Lane with fifty men. I was joined at Grave Creek by four hundred volunteers, with whom I pushed on over a rough and mountainous country to what are called the Meadows, upon Rogue River, consisting of bald hills or mountains covered with grass. The Indians, from the most reliable authority, to the number of two hundred, were found posted in a cañon upon the opposite side of the river, about five miles above our camp, and in an almost impregnable position. An attack was organized; and, on the 26th of November, I started from my camp with my command and the howitzer, accompanied by one hundred and thirty volunteers, to gain a position upon a sharp ridge running down in front of their camp, from which I might use the field piece. I had proceeded to a point within two miles of my position when an express reached me from Major Bruce, commanding the Southern battalion of O. T. Volunteers, to the effect that the command destined to cross the river and occupy the rear of the enemy's position was opposed in crossing, and that the services of my command and the howitzer were immediately necessary to protect the passage of the command over Rogue River. I marched back a distance of twelve miles, arriving at camp after midnight, when a crossing was abandoned. A severe snowstorm rendering it necessary to leave upon the subsequent day or lose my animals induced me to return without delay to Fort Lane."
    When Captain Judah left Fort Lane, Captain Smith had but twenty-five men on duty at the post. Upon the arrival of Lieutenant Underwood with a company of infantry, Captain Smith resolved to go to his relief, as he had become anxious for the safety of his command. On the 28th of November, the captain left Fort Lane with forty-four men, Lieutenant Sweitzer, Surgeon C. H. Crane and L. F. Mosher, who served as a volunteer, accompanying the expedition. It was raining hard when the command left the post. At Grave Creek, Captain Smith sent his horses back to Fort Lane, and the company proceeded on foot. The second night they camped at the mouth of Whiskey Creek. In the morning the march was resumed in the midst of a heavy snowstorm. Upon nearing the top of the mountain on the trail, one of the mules, loaded with ammunition for the howitzer, lost his footing and went down the cañon an indefinite distance; at least it was never heard from. The order was then given to return to the valley; and that day the advance of the troops commenced to arrive from the Meadows. Captain Smith, in his dispatch to. the Adjutant General, approved the action of Captain Judah, and said: "In order to attack and route the Indians the command must be divided and their camp approached on either side of the river. I will make my arrangements to make this attack as soon as it turns cold and the weather is settled, if I can prevail upon the Northern battalion to occupy the north side of the river." ^The disposition of the volunteers was the same as before the advance on the Meadows.
    The division of the volunteers of the South into two separate commands was a mistake so palpable that it was singular it should ever have been made. But Governor Curry corrected it by ordering their consolidation into one regiment; and the companies were ordered to elect a colonel, lieutenant colonel and major. The election took place at Grave Creek on the 7th of December, 1855. The candidates for colonel were Captain Robt. L. Williams and Captain L. F. Mosher. It was well understood that Captain Mosher approved of Captain Smith's plan of attack, while Captain Williams preferred to go into quarters until spring. The snow was at that time nearly two feet deep at Grave Creek, and very much deeper on the Rogue River mountains; and, while the most of the Northern battalion favored a winter campaign, the Southern and Captain Keeney's company of the Northern battalion, who had just returned from the Meadows, were opposed to it. Captain Williams was elected Colonel, William J Martin, Lieutenant Colonel, and James Bruce, Major. This election virtually ended the campaign for this year. The headquarters of the Southern battalion was established at Vannoy's, and the forces so distributed as to prevent the Indians from reaching the settlement in Jackson County; while to the Northern battalion was left the duty of protecting the road and the settlements in the Umpqua Valley.
    While the main body of the troops were engaged in the expedition to the Meadows, a band of Cow Creek and Rogue River Indians, who were camped at the Big Bend of Cow Creek, commenced killing cattle on the range. Becoming emboldened by meeting no resistance, they made a raid upon the settlers. Their first attack was upon a Mr. Yell, who in the morning had yoked up his team to haul logs, but, finding himself in the midst of a band of Indians, left his cattle and, mounting a horse, left to give the alarm, the Indians following him. Meeting I. B. Nichols, they went to give the information to Captain Gordon, after taking the family of Mr. Nichols to the fortified house of Mr. Hiat. Captain Gordon being under orders for Rogue River, could not respond to the call; and Mr. Nichols proceeded to secure volunteers, but was enabled to secure only three: Thos. Lytte, Eugene and Isaac Flint. In the morning, they were joined by a party from Myrtle Creek, consisting of Henry Adams, John Milligan, Isaac Bailey and James Weaver, and followed the trail by a dead horse or cow until they arrived at Harrison Rice's place, which had lately been attacked. Mr. Rice, being prepared, repulsed the attack; but his brother was shot in the arm, his granary and all the outbuildings burned. The party was soon after joined by a party consisting of James D. Burnett, Jeptha Green, Michael Hanley, John Dillard, William Dillard, Edward Gage, Carson  McCloud and William Booth. The Indians, upon being repulsed from the Rices', burnt the schoolhouse and proceeded up the valley of Ten-Mile Creek, stealing all the valuable stock and property they desired, and burning all the houses that were not well defended.
    The settlers followed close upon their trail; and at Kent's place, which had not been disturbed, they met J. P. Day, Sheriff, and Fred Castleman, of the Quartermaster's Department, who had left Roseburg upon the first information of the raid, in defense of the settlers. Leaving Kent's, they followed the trail until dark, and saw them fire the last house. Shortly after, they saw a campfire in a thick clump of fir timber. The party halted; and James D. Burnett and Pat Day made a reconnaissance. By moving quietly, and crawling the last portion of the distance, they were enabled to obtain a full view of the enemy's position. Upon their return, the attack was deferred until the next morning; and, as they had eaten nothing since morning, they retired to the house of Mr. C. Cullough, two miles distant, for supper. Here they met Sergeant Thomas Halland and eighteen men of Captain Bailey's company, who stated that the Indians had been there the day before and challenged them to fight; but that he had refused, as the Indians outnumbered his command. While here, a plan of attack was agreed upon, which was to be made at daylight. The camp of the Indians was on the west side of the creek; and Holland was to cross the creek below and come up on the east side to cut off their retreat, while the settlers would approach a large fir log which lay near the Indian camp. Just before daylight, the whites had arrived near the log, when a gun was fired and a charge was made by the whites. The Indians ran to the log and fired a volley, severely wounding Fred Castleman and slightly wounding J. D. Burnett, when they retreated, leaving three killed, as well as all the horses, guns and other plunder captured on the raid. Some of the party followed the Indians toward their camp at the Big Bend; but a heavy fall of snow checked the pursuit.
    A tribe of Indians no less dangerous, known as Jake's tribe, lived in the neighborhood of Butte Creek in Jackson County. While professing friendship, they had always refused to go upon the reservation, or place themselves in charge of the Indian agents. They were known to be thieves, and were a standing menace to the whites. One of their rancherias was situated on the north side of Rogue River, just below the mouth of Big Butte Creek. On the night of the 23rd of December, a detachment of Captain Rices' company numbering thirty-four men made a night march, and at daylight made a successful attack upon the camp, killing nineteen warriors, and capturing twenty squaws and children. The rancheria was burned. The other part of the tribe was camped on the other side of Rogue River, between Big and Little Butte creeks. At the same time that Rice made his attack on one camp. Captain Alcorn with a part of his company also made a night attack upon the other with equal success, killing eight warriors, capturing two, besides the women and children. The captives were turned over to the Indian agent at Fort Lane.
    Besides the war, there were but few matters of interest occurring in Southern Oregon during the year 1855. In December, the Umpqua Herald was removed from Scottsburg to Jacksonville, and published as the Table Rock Sentinel by T'Vault, Taylor and Blakeley, the first two being the editors.
    The latter part of the year was remarkable not only from the amount of snowfall, but for being intensely cold. On the last three days of the year, the thermometer in the Rogue River and Umpqua valleys marked as low as three degrees below zero.

    The year of 1856 opened much less auspiciously than the previous one. The ground X was still covered with snow, although the weather was milder; while the Indian difficulties were apparently no nearer a settlement than when commenced in October of the preceding year. The withdrawal of the troops from an offensive campaign gave to Chief John, the leader of the hostiles, the desired opportunity to rob, kill and burn, as well as to supply his warriors with food; while the uncertainty as to the point of the next attack rendered travel unsafe, and much embarrassed every branch of business.
    On the first day of January, Major Bruce was informed that a band of Indians had taken possession of three log cabins on Starr gulch, a branch of Applegate Creek, and were committing depredations from that point. The Major at once ordered Captain Rice to proceed there with his company. Upon reconnoitering the place, it was found that the cabins were held and so well fortified by the Indians that small arms would have no effect. Word was immediately sent to Fort Lane; and Captain Smith at once ordered Lieutenant Underwood and Lieutenant Hazen, with thirty-five men, in charge of the howitzer, to proceed to that point. On their way they were joined by many citizens, among whom were Martin Angel and Mr. Walker, who were riding nearly two hundred yards ahead of the command, when, at a point about two miles from Jacksonville, they were fired upon by the Indians. Angel was killed instantly, having received four bullets in his head and neck, but Walker escaped without injury. The Indians were immediately pursued, but easily made their escape up the mountain, through the chaparral, and were soon beyond gunshot. This was not the only misfortune experienced by the command. On the forward march to Applegate, the mule packed with the ammunition for the howitzer fell off a cliff into Applegate Creek, and was killed, and the ammunition spoiled. An express was at once sent to Fort Lane for more; and Lieutenant Sweitzer and sixteen dragoons

(1) In the biography of Colonel W. W. Chapman, in another volume of this work, will be found an account of this Indian war. which was written at the dictation of and approved l>v. Colonel Chapman, who was an active participant in that war, and knows where<»f lie speaks. The Colonel is now in his eighty-second year; but his memory and other mental faculties are hale and unimpaired. rciiLlsilCK.

left Fort Lane with the necessary ammunition, the transportation being furnished by the quartermaster of the volunteers, as it could not be furnished by the quartermaster at Fort Lane. The regular troops arrived at the cabins about three o'clock p.m. on the 4th of January, planted their howitzer, and sent a shell through the roof of one of the cabins which killed two Indians. It being now nearly dark, the attack was postponed until morning, a guard being placed around the cabins to prevent the escape of the Indians. The savages, finding that their quarters were getting too uncomfortable, broke through the guard about two o'clock in the morning and escaped. The force of the Indians was about thirty warriors, who were well fortified, besides having dug bomb-proof chambers inside, six feet underground. The loss of the whites was one man killed and five wounded, one having been shot through the leg at a distance of five hundred yards. On the same day that Angel was killed, Charles Hule, of Jacksonville, while hunting on the hills near town, became separated from his companions, and was also killed by the Indians.
    After the escape of the Indians from their fort on Applegate, Major Bruce, who had arrived on the field, taking a portion of Alcorn's, Rice's and Williams' companies, followed their trail, which led to the west. On the twenty-first, the scouting party came upon an Indian, who ran with all speed to the camp of the savages and gave the alarm, when the Indians at once prepared to fight. The scouts only numbered twenty-five men, less than half the force of the Indians, but they attacked them with great gallantry. The fighting was severe for some time, but the arrival of Lieutenant Armstrong with a small reinforcement soon compelled the Indians to retreat. The whites lost Wiley Cash of Alcorn's company, killed, and private Richardson of Williams' company, severely wounded. They also lost twelve horses killed.
    On the 18th of January, Captain James Barnes of the spy company reported to Colonel W. J. Martin that quite a large force of Indians were encamped at the Big Bend of Cow Creek. Colonel Martin immediately ordered Captains Bailey, Chapman and Gorden, with such forces as were available, their commands being very much scattered in order to protect the settlements, to proceed and attack the camp. The command left Cow Creek on the night of the 20th of January, traveled all night and stopped all the next day in order to conceal their advance. On the twenty-second, they renewed their advance, and at midnight arrived at the Indian camp, which they found deserted. Scouts followed their trail far enough to arrive at the conclusion that the Indians had retreated to their headquarters at the Meadows; therefore the commands of Captains Chapman and Gorden returned to the settlements, leaving Captain Bailey and his company, with a small detachment of Captain Buoy's company, under the command of Lieutenant Noland, to guard against any attack of the Indians from that direction. On the night of the twenty-third, Captain Bailey's command, deeming the enemy far away, built a large fire, around which they were indulging in athletic sports to keep themselves warm. While thus engaged, the Indians, who had followed the volunteers as soon as their retrograde movement was made, fired into the camp, instantly killing John L. Gardiner of Lane County, mortally wounding Thos. Gage, and seriously wounding Jere. Taylor of Douglas County. The whites being in the full light of the fire, and the Indians concealed by the brush and in the dark, it became necessary for the whites also to retire to the brush, where they laid upon their arras till morning. The Indians made no further attack; and Captain Bailey, having ascertained in the morning that the main body of the Indians were present, fell back and rejoined the other companies.
    About the middle of January, 1856, Colonel Williams ordered the headquarters of the Southern regiment to be removed from Vannoy's ferry to Drew's farm on Bear Creek, several miles east of Fort Lane. The object of such a movement is not apparent. In a military point of view, it was unpardonable. The defensive policy had already proved disastrous to the whites upon many occasions; while the abandonment of Fort Vannoy, which was the key to the position, left the whole of the valley of Rogue River and its tributaries at the mercy of the savages. The protest of the officers and the citizens was at least heard by the Legislative Assembly; and on the 26th of January an act was passed for the organization of the militia, under which John K. Lamerick was elected Brigadier General of the southern forces, M. M. McCarver, Commissary General, Jos. S. Drew, Quartermaster General and Dr. Barkwell, Surgeon General. The term of service of the companies having expired, many of the men desired to be discharged, especially in the Northern battalion, whose farms and families required their presence. These were accordingly discharged; and on the 12th of February, General Lamerick, by order of the governor, issued a proclamation for the enlistment of four new companies to reinforce the Northern battalion, two companies from Lane and Benton counties conjointly, and one company each from Linn and Douglas counties. The new regiment was soon recruited. The company from Lane County was mustered in on February 13th, Wm. H. Latshaw, Captain; that from Benton County February i8th, John Kelsay, Captain; the Douglas County company a few days later, Ed. Sheffield, Captain. The companies of Captain W. W. Chapman, Captain Laban Buoy and Captain Dan Barnes of the Northern battalion remained in the field.
    The Southern battalion nearly all re-enlisted, and was increased by the companies of Captain M. M. Williams, Captain Mike Bushey and Captain Abel George. The regiment was organized, March 18, 1856, by the election of John Kelsay, Colonel; William W. Chapman, Lieutenant Colonel; James Bruce, Major; William H. Latshaw, Major of first recruiting battalion; E. L. Massey, Major of second recruiting battalion. Lieutenant Colonel Wm. J. Martin, having been appointed receiver of the Umpqua land office, was compelled to leave the field. The companies of the new regiment were distributed much in the same manner as before to protect the settlements, the Northern battalion taking positions on Grave Creek. Cow Creek, Camas Valley and other points; while the Southern battalion was distributed in Rogue River and Illinois valleys until such time as the commissary and quartermaster generals could provide the means for an aggressive campaign. The performance of this duty was very much impeded by the very bad weather of February and March. About the 20th of February, Chief Limpy and thirty of his warriors, well armed, came to Fort Lane with a flag of truce. They there announced that their object was to secure the surrender of some of their squaws who were held as prisoners by the Indian agent. They had no desire for peace, and declared their confidence in being able to conquer the whites. Upon their request being refused, they were permitted to return unharmed to their headquarters on lower Rogue River. In allowing these savages, who had never spared a kneeling woman or an innocent child, the benefit of the rules of civilized warfare, Captain Smith exhibited a degree of magnanimity which he had an opportunity to regret a few months later at the Big Bend of Rogue River.
    On February 23, 1856, Chief Sam with all his band of friendly Indians, who had been encamped at Fort Lane since the outbreak of October previous, left for their reservation in the Willamette Valley, escorted by one hundred and six regular soldiers under the command of Lieutenants Underwood and Hazen. They were not attacked either by the hostile Indians or the volunteers, as was feared, although, before reaching the Grave Creek Hills, one Indian, while searching for his horse outside of camp, was shot and killed by some person unknown. The removal of these Indians was a source of relief to the settlers, who, knowing the Indian character, were uncertain at what moment their friendship would change to deadly hostility; while the Indian agent and Captain Smith at Fort Lane were in constant dread of an attack upon them either by the hostiles or the volunteers. The whole band numbered four hundred, of which only eighty were men, many of them superannuated, the remainder being women and children. On the 2nd of February, Indian agent R. B. Metcalfe arrived at the Grand Ronde reservation in charge of the friendly bands of Umpqua Indians, without any escort or any accident. The same could have been done with Sams band, but for a scare which originated with General Palmer, the Superintendent of Indian Affairs.
    As soon as it was evident that the volunteers intended to take the field in earnest, Captain Smith, who had ceased to act in accord with the volunteers, on the 13th of February made a requisition upon General Wool at San Francisco for three companies to reinforce him at Fort Lane. In compliance with this request, the steamer Columbia landed at Crescent City, California, on March eighth, ninety-six men of Company B, Third Artillery, under Captain Ord and Lieutenant Ihrie, with Colonel Buchanan, who had been sent to take the chief command in Southern Oregon; and on the next day the same vessel landed forty-seven recruits for Major Reynolds' company at Port Orford.
    Up to the month of February, the Indian tribes of the coast, by the efforts of the Indian agents and the punishment they had previously suffered, seemed disposed to remain at peace with the whites; but it soon became evident that the emissaries of the hostiles had again been among them with dangerous effect. Special Agent E. P. Drew, who had charge of the Indians from the Siuslaw to the Coquille River, and Captain Ben Wright, who was in charge of those from Port Orford to the California line, used their utmost endeavors to prevent any combination. Drew, upon visiting his charges, found that the warriors had gone to the head of the Coquille, from which point communication with the headquarters of the hostiles at the Meadows was, to an Indian, easy. Captain Wright went up the coast as far as Port Orford, and was indefatigable in his labors. Upon his return to Rogue River, Wright went up the Big Bend to induce the Indians under his charge to remove to Port Orford, and thus keep them beyond the influence of the hostiles. Captain Poland, with a company of thirty-three volunteers, occupied a well-fortified post near the bend, from which any westward movement of the hostiles could be detected and perhaps checked. Wright, having reason to believe that his mission was successful, returned to his cabin on the south side of Rogue River; and Captain Poland with his company came with him and encamped at the same place.
    At the dawn of day on the 22nd of February, the camp was surprised and every man killed but two, one of whom escaped to the mouth of the river; and the other, Charles Foster, escaped by concealing himself in a thicket until dark, when he made his escape to Port Orford and reported the disaster to Major Reynolds. A number of Captain Poland's company had previously left for the mining camp at the mouth of the river and thus escaped the massacre. After this, the Indians crossed Rogue River and went up the coast as far as Port Orford, a distance of thirty miles, burning every house but one, and murdering all the inhabitants except Mrs. Geisel and her daughter, who were taken prisoners. As soon as the news reached the mouth of the river, the volunteers and all the men who had arms, which were few, proceeded at once to the camp but found the Indians had gone. They buried the dead, and on their return crossed to the north side of the river with the whole population, numbering over one hundred, and took refuge in some warehouses which had been slightly fortified. They had but few arms and but four days' provisions. Major Reynolds, in command of Port Orford, had but about thirty men, which force was barely sufficient, with the citizens, to protect that place, and could render no assistance to Rogue River. A whale boat was sent from Port Orford to communicate with them; but, in attempting to land, it was swamped, and the crew drowned. Captain Tichenor tried to reach them with the schooner Nelly, but owing to the heavy wind failed to do so. The killed were: Ben Wright, Indian Agent; John Poland, Captain of volunteers; Pat. McCullough, Pat. McCluskey, John Idles, Henry Lawrence, Barney Castle, Guy C. Holcomb, Joseph Wilkinson, Joseph Wagner, E. W. Howe, J. H. Braun, John Geisel and four children, his wife and daughter taken prisoners (soon exchanged), Martin Reed, George Reed, Lorenzo Warner, Samuel Hendrick and a negro, name unknown. These were killed in the first attack. Soon after the list was increased with the names of Henry Bullen, L. W. Oliver, Daniel Richardson, Adolf Schmoldt and George Trickey, to which may be added the names of the drowned: H.C. Gerow, merchant, John O'Brien, miner, Sylvester Long, farmer, William Thompson, Richard Gay, boatmen, and Felix McCue.
    This massacre exhibited a depth of treachery which was scarcely credible, even to those who best understood the Indian character. The number of Indians making the attack, according to Foster, who, from his hiding place, had full opportunity to see all their movements, was about three hundred, the most of whom belonged to a tribe under Wright's care, which had received special favors from him; and the remainder were warriors from John's band, all under the leadership of Eneas, or Enos, as he was generally called by the whites. Enos was a Canadian Indian, who was with Fremont when he was attacked by the Modocs at Klamath Lake in 1845, and was favorably mentioned by him. He acted as scout for Wright when he made the attack upon the Modoc Indians in 1852, and while acting as Indian agent at Rogue River was his most trusted agent. It was upon the efforts of Enos that Wright chiefly relied to prevent the Tututnis, his wards, from joining the hostiles; and it was upon his assurance of their fidelity that he returned to the mouth of the river. On the morning of the twenty-second, Enos entered the quarters of Captain Wright, unsuspected of treachery, and killed him with an ax, which was the signal for the general massacre. He afterwards mutilated the body, cut out his heart and ate a portion of it. It is said that Chetco Jennie, a squaw who was acting as interpreter for Wright, at a salary of five hundred dollars a year from the Indian Department, also joined in the repast.
    Chief John, after the accession of Enos and the coast Indians, had too strong a force to remain idle at his headquarters, and consequently sent a strong force to his old camp on Deer Creek and through the Illinois Valley. On the 12th of February, they killed John Guess while plowing on the farm of Dr. Smith on Deer Creek, and left him dead in the furrow. On Sunday, March 23rd, they ambushed and killed two travelers, Wright, a partner of Vannoy's, and Private Olney of O'Neal's company, at the foot of Eight Dollar Mountain; and an hour later the same band met a party of five upon whom they fired, mortally wounding John Davis. Word was sent to Vannoy's, to which place the headquarters of the Southern battalion had been lately removed; and Lieutenant Colonel Chapman at once ordered .Major Bruce to move against the Indians. Captain O'Neal's company, which was nearest the scene of action, was sent to Hays' ranch, as there were few men to defend that post. Just before reaching it they met the Indians and had a sharp fight, in which Private Caldwell was mortally wounded. The whites reached the fort, which the Indians surrounded until night, when they left to capture Evans' pack train, which was coming from Crescent City. They killed a Mexican packer and wounded ' Evans. Evans escaped to Reeves' ranch; but the mules and packs were all captured by the Indians, who thereby obtained a large amount of provisions and clothing.
    Major Bruce, with the companies of Alcorn, Rice, M. M. Williams and Abel George, came up with the enemy on the 25th of March. Major Bruce and Dr. Barkwell, the surgeon, with a portion of Williams' company, were in advance of the main body, when the Indians fired upon them, killing two men and shooting down several horses. This small party dismounted and returned the fire, which they briskly kept up for more than half an hour; but the Indians, numbering over one hundred, still pressing them, they were compelled to fall back. When the main body of the volunteers came up, the Indians retired and the whites took possession of the field. The whites had three men killed. Privates Collins, Phillips and John McCarty, none wounded. The loss of the Indians was unknown, but was supposed to be much larger. Dr. Barkwell had his horse shot and captured, as well as all the instruments and medicines he had with him.
    About the same time, Chief John sent a band of warriors into the Umpqua Valley for the purpose of stealing horses and cattle, as it afterwards appeared. The number engaged in the raid was about fifty, and was composed of those who were most familiar with the country. They entered Camas Valley, but, avoiding the settlements, crossed over to the valley of Olalla, thence around the fortified camps at Rice's, Willis' and McCullough's, stealing horses and mules and killing cattle along their entire route. Their trail was first discovered on the i8th of March, by Lieutenant James Moore of Buoy's company, in the lower end of Camas Valley. Following the trail, he sent a messenger to Captain Buoy, the larger portion of whose company was stationed at Fort McCullough. Captain Buoy sent several detachments in various directions to intercept them; but they all failed to come up with them until they found them on the twenty-second in Camas Valley, with their stolen stock with them. Here the Indians attacked Fort Martindale, which was defended by ten men of Buoy's company, who returned their fire very briskly. While a portion of the Indians attacked the fort, the rest were engaged in driving off and killing stock; and they also burned the houses of William P. Day and Adam Day, a few miles from the fort. When the detachments of Captain Buoy's company arrived, the Indians exchanged shots with them until the horses and cattle had been started on the trail to the Meadows, when they retreated. Captain Buoy himself having arrived, the pursuit of the Indians was commenced. The company was divided, the Captain being in command of one party and Lieutenant Moore of the other, with whom were several settlers, among them being Robert Phipps, Bent Kent and others. When about four miles below the valley, on the headwaters of the Coquille River, just after daybreak, they heard the voices of the Indians in their camp, preparing to move. Captain Buoy ordered Lieutenant Moore to proceed down the stream and charge them, while he went to the left to turn their flank and cut off their retreat. The Indians were unaware of the approach of the troops until fired upon by the forces of Lieutenant Moore. They made a stand, however, until the stolen stock was well on the trail, when they retreated with the loss of several killed. Owing to Captain Buoy's ignorance of the topography of the country, his movement to the left failed to cut off their retreat, and the stock was driven to the Meadows. The troops had no one injured.
    Major Reynolds, U.S. Army, having been reinforced slightly by General Wool, relieved the people at the mouth of Rogue River, and on the 25th of March went up Rogue River with one company to burn the lodges of the Tututnis. In this he succeeded, but on his return was fired upon by the Indians from the brush. The Indians were charged, and driven from their position at the point of the bayonet, losing eight or ten killed, the troops having two privates wounded.
    On the 1st of April, a company of volunteers from Port Orford, under Captain Creighton, who had been ordered to bring back some of the Coquille Indians who had left the Port Orford reservation to join the hostiles, came upon them near the mouth of the Coquille, and after a well-fought battle killed all but two (about twenty ), and captured forty squaws and children.
    The movement of the regular and volunteer troops from the coast, as well as the closing of their supplies from the east, by a circle of volunteers that was slowly but surely closing around them, induced Chief John to concentrate his forces in that country which he deemed inaccessible to civilized troops, lying about the Big Bend of Rogue River and including the mountainous and rocky region called the Big and Little Meadows. In this he was no doubt very much influenced by Enos, who was perfectly familiar with the plans of both the regulars and volunteers.
    General Lamerick, having discovered by his scouts that the enemy were in front of him, determined on an advance, and issued orders to his troops accordingly. These are indicated in a letter to Governor Curry of the date of April 15, 1856, of which the following is a copy: "I have just returned from the Southern battalion. The spy company from that battalion had just got in and brought the intelligence that Old John's Indians had gone to the Meadows, their stronghold. I have ordered Lieutenant Colonel Chapman and Major Bruce to move with the entire strength of the battalion. They will leave tomorrow with tools and provisions sufficient to besiege the Indians in their fortress, if it should be necessary. The troops take with them twenty-five days' rations. I am happy to state that the troops are in fine health and under good discipline, a thing much to be desired. I am now making preparations to move with the Northern battalion the day after tomorrow, to meet the Southern battalion at the Meadows. The Southern battalion will go down on the south side of Rogue River. The Northern battalion will start from this place (Fort Leland) and march by way of Hungry hill and Whiskey Creek. I will accompany this battalion myself. Everything seems to bid fair for a successful campaign. I have good reasons to believe that General Wool has issued orders to the United States troops not to act in concert with the volunteers. But the officers at Fort Lane told me they would, wherever they met me, most cordially cooperate with any volunteers that I had command of. There is now under command of Colonel Kelsay sixty men scouring the country from Hungry hill to the Meadows. There is also a detachment of thirty men under Captain Sheffield scouring the country from Hungry hill to the Big Bend of Cow Creek."
    On the 21st of April, the companies of Captain Keith of Lane County, seventy-one men, and Captain Blakely of Linn County, sixty-six men, which had been delayed for want of arms, arrived at Roseburg. At this place they were met by an order from General Lamerick to march at once to the Meadows by the way of Fort Martin in Camas Valley. They left early in the morning of the twenty-second. The Northern battalion reached the Little Meadows without meeting the enemy in force; and the Southern battalion reached Peavine Mountain, on the south side of the river about twelve miles above, without seeing any Indians. While in camp at the Little Meadows, the country in front was reconnoitered; and it was found that large numbers of Indians were camped in the brushy and rocky country below and at the Big Meadows on the north side of the river. Major Bruce was ordered to cross the river and join the rest of the command. A forward movement was then made to the Big Meadows; and it was found that the Indians had abandoned their stronghold. After several days spent in reconnoitering, it was discovered that the enemy had changed their headquarters to a bar on the south side of the river, about three miles below.
    After consultation, it was determined to attack them on the twenty-seventh, Colonel Kelsay to attack in front, while Major Bruce was to cross the river above and cut off their retreat. Early in the morning. Colonel Kelsay, with about one hundred and fifty men of the Northern battalion, descended to the bank of the river opposite their camp, concealed by a heavy fog, and deploying his men opened a heavy fire. The Indians were taken completely by surprise, and in the confusion of moving the women and children, with their camp equipage, which the former carried on their backs, to a place of safety over the mountain, were unable for some time to return the fire. Major Bruce with his battalion, having for some reason been unable to cross the river, came down towards the bar and opened a cross fire upon the Indians, who had now taken refuge in the timber behind the bar. The firing was continued throughout the day; but, as there was no means of crossing the river, the victory was not as complete as it would otherwise have been. The loss of the Indians was at least fifty killed, that of the troops, one man of Wilkinson's company, Elias D. Mercer, mortally wounded, and John H. Clifton of Sheffield's company, wounded. The force of the Indians was about five hundred.
    The fight was recommenced on the twenty-eighth; but the Indians were exceedingly cautious, their object appearing to be onW to prevent the troops crossing and to secure their retreat. On the twenty-ninth, having rigged boats, the whole regiment, except Major Massey's battalion, crossed the river and searched the whole country, but the enemy had left. As it rained and snowed incessantly, it was impossible to follow their trail; and on the thirtieth the troops recrossed the river and returned to the Big Meadows. The companies of Captains Keith and Blakely arrived on the ground in the evening of the twenty-eighth. On the 27th of April McDonough Harkness, a partner in the Grave Creek House, and Wagner, whose wife and child were murdered in the October outbreak, were carrying dispatches to General Lamerick, when they were fired upon by the Indians at Whiskey Creek. Wagner escaped with several bullet holes in his clothes; but Harkness was shot off his horse and horribly mutilated while still alive.
    General Lamerick finding no further use for the large force under his command, after leaving Major Bruce in charge of constructing a fort at the Big Meadows, ordered the remainder of the troops back to the road where it would be much easier to obtain supplies, the Northern battalion by the way of Camas Valley and the Southern to Fort Leland. The troops left with Major Bruce consisted of the companies of Captains Blakely, Keith, Barnes, Bledsoe and Noland, in all over two hundred effective men. The fort, which was named in honor of General Lamerick, was admirably situated for the purpose for which it was intended, and being so strongly garrisoned effectually prevented the Indians from escaping to the eastward.
    General Wool, who seems to have had as great an antipathy to the volunteers as a bull to a red flag, formed a plan by which the Indian warriors of Southern Oregon were to be easily captured by the regular troops alone. The execution of the plan was confided to Brevet Lieutenant Colonel Buchanan, Fourth Infantry, and consisted in concentrating his forces at the Big Bend of Rogue River and marching upon their stronghold at the Meadows, when the war would be at an end. The forces at his command for this purpose were two companies at Crescent City under Captain Ord and Lieutenant Jones, two companies at Port Orford under Major Reynolds and Captain Augur, lately arrived from Fort Vancouver, and a part of two companies at Fort Lane under Captain Smith, a portion of which only were available for the field, since a large number were required to garrison the different posts.
    Captain Smith moved as soon as the orders were received. In his official report he says: "I then immediately organized a detachment of one hundred men from Companies C, First Dragoons, and E, Fourth Infantry, with Assistant Surgeon Crane and Lieutenant Sweitzer, and left Fort Lane on the 14th of March and proceeded to Vannoy's ferry on Rogue River, where I was to procure guides. It was my intention to follow from this point the trail I made from the coast to Rogue River Valley in the summer of 1853, but was assured by my guide and many persons of experience in the mountains of the impracticability of that route so early in the season. I could find no person that would consent to guide us through on the north side of Rogue River, and from my own knowledge of that country, believe it to be an impracticable trail for a command with any considerable number of animals. On the morning of the sixteenth we left Rogue River and crossed over to the waters of Illinois and followed that stream down to its mouth. During the whole distance we found quite a good trail, with abundance of grass and water, at intervals from three to ten miles. I believe this will be found the most, if not the only, practicable trail from Port Orford to Upper Rogue River Valley.
    "As we were descending a ridge near the mouth of Illinois River on the 24th of March, as we had anticipated, the headquarters of the district Indians were discovered on the flat below. Leaving the pack train in charge of Lieutenant Sweitzer, with Company E, I moved rapidly forward with the advance guard and my company, through thick brush and timber to the point that makes out at the junction of the rivers, and found, from the appearance of their ranches, that the Indians had made a precipitate retreat. Some canoes with Indians were seen moving rapidly down the stream; and we opened a brisk fire upon them, which caused many to take to the water and others to gain the bank, with the canoes, as soon as possible. Judging from their actions, several of the Indians must have been hit, although they were distant some three hundred yards. While we were occupying this exposed point, several shots were fired at us from across Illinois River by Indians concealed in the thick brush and timber on the side of the mountain, wounding one private of Company E in the neck. We instantly returned the fire and maintained the point, when the howitzer was ordered down and two shells fired at points the Indians were supposed to occupy. In their ranches we found a variety of articles of which we took possession, and a large supply of eels and other fish, which were burnt with the ranches. The rapidity of the current, depth of the stream, and want of proper means, precluded the possibility of our gaining the opposite bank. One or more Indians were killed on the mountain side. On returning to the pack train then in camp, I was informed that Indians had been seen above the camp on the same side of the river. I immediately ordered out Lieutenant Sweitzer with Company E, who soon met the Indians within a short distance of camp, charged them and drove them back. It was not known positively that any were killed or wounded. One private of Company E, Fourth Infantry, was wounded in the left cheek.
    "I remained in camp during the twenty-fifth and twenty-sixth, hoping to hear from Colonel Buchanan, and moved on the twenty-seventh to Oak Flat, some four miles above the mouth of the Illinois River, in order to send back on our trail to search for some stores that had been lost. We left Oak Flat camp on the twenty-ninth, and proceeded to opposite the lower end of Big Bend, where we failed in effecting a crossing, and then proceeded to the upper end of the Bend, where we constructed a canvas boat and attempted to cross it with ropes, but found the current so rapid that we were foiled, with the loss of some twenty lash ropes. I then had oars made, and we succeeded in crossing everything in about five hours on the 1st of April. On the afternoon of the 31st of March, three Indians were seen on the north side of the river, who succeeded in making their way down a bushy ravine to within about two hundred yards of where we were at work constructing the boat, and fired at us, but did no harm. One Indian was shot. A shell was fired across the river, and several men sent over; but the Indians had disappeared. Several Indians made their appearance near camp as the rear guard were about leaving it, but kept at a respectful distance until all had been crossed. The boat was stripped of its covering; and the baggage was removed some two hundred yards from the river. While we were packing up, the Indians approached the bank and fired several shots, wounding slightly one mule. On the night of the 1st of April, we encamped at the Big Bend, on the north side of Rogue River. Having no provisions on hand but a little fresh beef, I deemed it prudent to march toward the coast, and left camp on the morning of the second, with the expectation of taking the trail that comes in at the head of Bushy Creek, but was taken over the Iron Spring and Bald Mountain route, impracticable for want of grass, and arrived at this post (Port Orford) late on the evening of the 5th of April, We had four days' hard rain and dense fog in the mountains, and left two mules between this place and Iron Springs, given out."
    The failure of Colonel Buchanan to meet Captain Smith at Oak Flat, with all his forces, as agreed upon, came very near being a fatal mistake. It will be seen by a comparison of the dates given in the reports of General Lamerick and Captain Smith, that if the volunteers had not attacked the Indians at the time they did, nothing could have prevented the total annihilation of the command of Captain Smith in the narrow cañon of Illinois River, by the overwhelming force of the Indians then in the field. On the 13th of March, Captain Augur, with his company, marched from Port Orford to the place of rendezvous at Oak Flat; but, upon reaching the mouth of the Illinois River, he was met by the Indians, who, being fired upon, returned the fire; and a sharp skirmish ensued, in which five Indians were killed, the troops suffering no loss. After waiting a short time, and finding that Colonel Buchanan did not arrive, he marched back to the mouth of Rogue River. Upon moving away, the Indians entered his camp, while he was yet in sight, and fired off their guns in token of victory, and continued to follow the troops the whole day.
    Colonel Buchanan at Crescent City was taking matters much more leisurely. Captain Abbott with a company of forty volunteers, authorized by the governor of California, becoming impatient at the delay, started up the coast and met the Indians at Chetco River, where he engaged them the whole day, but was forced to take refuge behind logs upon the beach. The next day the regulars under the command of Captain Ord and Lieutenant Jones, numbering one hundred and twelve, came to his relief; and the savages were driven back. Two days were spent in punishing these Indians, which was effectually done, and their village destroyed. On the 20th of March, Colonel Buchanan with his regulars arrived at the mouth of Rogue River. About the time of his arrival, General Palmer, the Superintendent of Indian Affairs, arrived at Port Orford; and the brilliant military coup of Colonel Buchanan was never afterwards heard of Palmer's diplomacy superseded powder and lead. The volunteers were still watchful and active, believing that the Indians would only surrender at the last extremity. On the 21st of April, Captain Bledsoe, of the Port Orford volunteers, started up Rogue River with a scouting party of eleven men, and encamped that night with Captain Smith and his regulars. Early the next morning, he quietly withdrew from the camp and took a position at Lobster Creek, a mile and a half below. At sunrise two canoes, containing twelve warriors and three squaws, were seen approaching their place of concealment. When within a short distance of Captain Bledsoe's command, the latter opened a murderous fire upon them, killing eleven bucks and one squaw. The Indians were all armed with guns, which were lost by the capsizing of the canoes. As the Indians were in force near by. Captain Bledsoe's command returned to his camp on the twenty-third.
    Captain Bledsoe says in his report of that date: "The regulars are yet here, but inactive. All their officers, or nearly so, are desirous that my command should accompany them when they take up their line of march to the mountains, with the exception of Colonel Buchanan, who is chief in command, and who steadily refuses to cooperate with the volunteers. We are therefore thrown upon our own resources, but intend to occupy all the vantage ground possible. From appearances, I am inclined to believe the enemy are becoming disheartened."Captain Bledsoe reported from Port Orford May 23rd: "I have just returned from a trip south with success, having captured twenty Indians, who were delivered by me to the Indian agent. The coast Indians are evidently becoming disheartened, and would make peace almost on any terms. General Palmer, Indian Superintendent, and Sub-agent Olney, left this morning for the headquarters of Colonel Buchanan's command, who are encamped at or near the Big Bend of Rogue River. It is evidently the intention to conclude peace with them upon such terms as will give satisfaction to all concerned."
    Colonel Buchanan at last moved to Oak Flat, having previously sent messengers to all the chiefs to meet him at that point. On the 23rd of May, two months later than the time he appointed to meet Captain Smith at the same place, he arrived there with all of his command except the company of Captain Ord, which had been sent to escort a provision train from Port Orford. He was met by nearly all the hostile chiefs and many of their warriors, the most of whom, especially the coast tribes, were willing to make peace on any terms; but Chief John, while willing to make peace, refused to give up his arms or leave his country. The arrangement finally made was that the Upper Rogue River Indians should in four days surrender to Captain Smith at the Meadows, and be escorted by him to the reservation by the way of Fort Lane; while the coast and Lower Rogue River tribes were to assemble at the coast, and at a point on the river about six miles below the mouth of Illinois River. Affairs being thus settled, Major Reynolds was sent to meet Captain Ord and the pack train; Captain Augur was ordered to the point below the bend, and Captain Smith to the Big Bend. The result of the mission of the latter, we give in the words of his official report to Colonel Buchanan:
    "I have the honor to report that, in obedience to special order No. 27, I left Oak Camp on the Illinois River on the morning of the 24th of May, with my Company C, a detachment of Company E, Fourth Infantry, under command of Lieutenant Sweitzer, First Dragoons, and Assistant Surgeon Chas. H. Crane, to proceed to this point (Big Bend) for the purpose of receiving George's and Limpy's bands and such other hostile Indians as might wish to surrender themselves for the purpose of being removed to the new or coast reservation. Taking the trail down Illinois to near its mouth, I ascended on the south side of Rogue River to a point two miles from this camp, where my command was crossed over and the march continued to the Big Bend, which was reached about dark on the first day. The following day, the twenty-fifth, being rainy and disagreeable, the Indians did not come in according to promise, and made that excuse, which of itself was plausible enough. Early in the day of the twenty-sixth, several Indians came into camp and stated that George was some nine miles above us on the river, endeavoring to make his way down with all his people, including the Applegate, Galice Creek and Cow Creek bands, and, if not prevented by Old John and the Klamaths, would reach my camp that day.
    "Late in the afternoon I was informed, by some Indian boys that had been in my camp for several days, that it was the talk among the Indians that Old John was to attack us early next morning, with all the Indians he could muster, on the north side of our camp, the lower river Indians to attack on the south side. Our position being an insecure one, I determined at once to change camp, and sent Lieutenant Sweitzer to examine an adjacent hill with a view of occupying it, if found suitable. His report being favorable, I moved camp after dark, having to transport my howitzer, ammunition, stores, etc., on the backs of my men. Early on the morning of the twenty-seventh, several Indians came into camp, some of them George's people, and told me the Indians were coming in. I soon saw a number of canoes land; and small parties were moving up the hill, all apparently friendly, though being armed. I would not permit them to enter camp. Up to ten o'clock in the day their numbers were increasing; and, as soon as I ascertained that many of John's people were among them, I placed my whole command under arms, not suspecting up to this time their treachery. I increased my sentinels on the left brow of the hill, which is steep and covered with timber and heavy brush, with orders not to fire the first gun. By this time they had entirely surrounded the hill; and their movements seemed hostile.
    "The Indians fired the first gun about eleven o'clock; and a large body of them were seen moving up the northern slope of the hill. As they appeared above the crest, they were met by a discharge of canister from the howitzer, followed by a charge of the men occupying that portion of the hill, which drove them out of sight into the thick brush. At the same time they attempted to charge the hill on the left and center, but were gallantly met by Lieutenant Sweitzer, who had charge of the southern slope of the hill. The Indians then took position on a ridge to our left and the slope leading up to our camp, from which they opened a cross fire on the men in position on that flank, and succeeded in wounding so many in the course of two hours that I had to withdraw some ten or twelve yards from the crest of the hill, from which position a continuous fire was kept up during the day, and charges made at different times that forced the Indians to retire. At the close of the day, we had four men killed and fifteen wounded besides my guide and an Indian boy, servant to Lieutenant Sweitzer. The Indians kept up their fire until after dark, and occasionally through the night. About eleven o'clock at night. Lieutenant Sweitzer, with all the men that could be spared, commenced a breastwork on the southern part of the hill, composed of blankets, saddles, tents, provisions, etc., and with the aid of one shovel so far completed it by daylight as to form a tolerable protection for our wounded and a small portion of the command. On the outside of this work I had dug a number of rifle pits to contain from two to five men each, and which were found to answer the desired purpose. As soon as the Indians discovered our movements, they raised signal fires, and by four o'clock in the morning of the twenty-eighth renewed the attack, which they kept up by a brisk fire until four p.m., making several attempts during the day to charge us en masse.
    "Captain Augur, with his Company G, Fourth Infantry, arrived about four p.m. on the afternoon of the 28th, and, seeing the Indians in our front and right, gallantly charged them and put them to flight. Had he known our relative position, his movements could not have been bettered, as they cut the Indians from their cañons, and from a retreat across the river. At the same time I ordered Lieutenant Sweitzer, with the detachment of Company E, to charge the Indians then occupying the hills in our front and ridges to the left, which was handsomely done; and on his return he was ordered to join Captain Augur. From eleven A.m. on the 27th to four p.m. on the twenty-eighth, my men were all actively employed, and behaved most creditably. Dr. Crane, in addition to his arduous duties to the wounded, when not engaged professionally, was always found with rifle in hand to render me what aid I might require. It is well known that during the first day a number of Indians were either killed or wounded; but it is impossible to state with any degree of accuracy the number, as they were instantly dragged from the field. The casualties were: Killed, nine privates; wounded, twelve." Captain Augur lost two privates killed and three wounded.
    At the same time, the volunteers were not idle. Major Latshaw, who assumed command at Fort Lamerick on May 24th, in place of Major Bruce, detached on other service, left the post on the 27th of May with the companies of Captains Keith, Blakely and Noland, and detachments from the companies of Captains Robinson and Wallan, under Lieutenants McClure and Phillips, and Captain Barnes' spy company, in all one hundred and thirteen men. The following report was written by one of the officers of the command:
    "On the first day we marched five miles, and camped on the river. Soon after we camped, Captain Barnes discovered the enemy in considerable force; and, at two o'clock on the next morning, thirty men under Captain Blakely took a position where they could watch the movements of the enemy, while the remainder of the command, under Major Latshaw, moved early in the morning down the river to attack them. By some means, they discovered our movements and were on the move when we broke in upon their ranches. A small party under Lieutenant Hawley discovered a party whilst attempting to make their escape, and fired upon them, killing three. About the same time, a party of them were fired upon further down the river by Captain Blakely's detachment. A running fight then ensued, which lasted all day, about four miles down the river. During the day, five or six Indians were killed and fifteen taken prisoners. On the twenty-ninth, a party of ten men crossed the river to examine the country, when the Indians discovered them and sent a strong party to cut off their retreat, and fired upon our forces across the river. Captain Keith with his company, and Captain Noland with a portion of his, crossed the river under the fire of the enemy and charged upon them where they had taken position in the bushes and among rocks. The fight did not continue more than half an hour, when our forces completely routed them. There were two Indians killed and one wounded in the charge. H. C. Huston, Sergeant of Keith's company, was severely wounded in the thigh at the first fire across the river.
    "On the morning of the thirtieth, skirmishing commenced across the river by a small party of our men and a scattering party of Indians. Mr. Cooley, of Captain Wallan's company, was shot through the hand and thigh. The firing ceased about noon. During the three days, we had broken a great many canoes, destroyed a vast amount of their provisions, and taken a great deal of trumpery which we found in their caches along the river, besides some gold dust, arms, etc., which they had not time to take along with them. On the afternoon of the thirtieth. Major Latshaw, leaving Lieutenant Hawley with fifty men to erect a hospital and temporary fortification for the sick and wounded, with the remainder of his command marched down the river, and on the thirty-first found Colonel Buchanan, with a force of about four hundred regular troops, encamped near the mouth of Illinois River. From General Palmer, who was also there, we learned that the bands of Indians which we fell in with on the twenty-eighth were those of Limpy and George, and that they had made a precipitous retreat to his camp, delivered up their arms and called for quarter. They stated to him that the "Bostons" were coming down upon them, and that they never had seen so many muskets before--that the river and hills were literally alive with them. Major Latshaw turned over to General Palmer twenty-one squaws and children that he had taken prisoners."
    This last attack finished the war. It is true that there was some skirmishing required to bring all the coast Indians in; but the decree had gone forth. On the 29th of June, the last of the Southern Oregon Indians, Chief John, had surrendered, and was taken from Port Orford by sea to the coast reservation by the way of Portland.
    In giving the history of this conflict, many interesting events have doubtless been omitted, since they occurred over a large expanse of country and followed in rapid succession; and many acts of heroism and suffering are not recorded, as well as many that were never known. But sufficient has been written to prove that the pioneers of Southern Oregon fairly earned the homes which the government of the United States so graciously tendered them.
Elwood Evans, History of the Pacific Northwest, Vol. 1, Portland 1889, pages 368-458

Last revised July 23, 2025